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We often where can i buy zithromax over the counter have huge expectations for the holidays. We imagine our friends and family assembling to share a scrumptious meal, to trade presents and to generally get along. And yet, the holidays seldom play out the where can i buy zithromax over the counter way we envision. For many, the season instead fosters feelings of sadness and stress.These feelings, alongside fatigue, frustration and anxiety, are all signs of the “holiday blues” — a temporary malaise that troubles millions of individuals each year, according to the National Alliance on Mental Illness. For them, even simple activities can become tiresome.

Sometimes, they see changes to their appetite and sleep schedule or struggle to where can i buy zithromax over the counter appreciate activities they previously found fun.If these symptoms seem reminiscent of other heavy-hitting mental health issues, including depression and anxiety, there's a pretty good reason. According to NAMI, 64 percent of people already diagnosed with a mental illness say that the holidays exacerbated their symptoms. Let's get into why.Wrong Place, Wrong TimeOf course, no one needs a diagnosis to feel where can i buy zithromax over the counter fatigued, frustrated or overwhelmed throughout the season. Psychologists point out that anyone can become bogged down by holiday blues, an ailment that differs from depressive disorders, anxiety disorders and seasonal affective disorder — a debilitating condition that coincides with seasonal changes in sunlight and can be present for as much as 40 percent of the year.According to Elaine Rodino, a Pennsylvania psychologist in private practice, the biggest distinction is that holiday blues are temporary, typically appearing around November and fading in January without therapy or other treatment. €œThese feelings should dissipate,” she says.

€œIf they where can i buy zithromax over the counter continue for several weeks beyond the holidays, then maybe something deeper is going on, and the person does need psychological help.”Another important distinction is that the holiday blues are situational, appearing thanks to circumstance and without the internal, chemical causes that characterize disorders such as depression and anxiety. Though these conditional triggers come in all shapes and sizes, the following often appear as common sources of such feelings:Family Frustration. The prospect of passing time in the company of family can create feelings of anxiety and anger if it where can i buy zithromax over the counter recalls past trauma and negativity. €œSome people have very unhappy holiday memories,” Rodino says. €œThey grew up in families where there was perhaps alcoholism and violence, and holidays would usually end up unhappy and traumatic.

When the holidays come, they try not to think of those memories, but the memories are where can i buy zithromax over the counter there.”Social Separation and Loss. People separated from their friends and family frequently feel longing, loneliness and isolation throughout the holidays. These feelings also where can i buy zithromax over the counter intensify for individuals stumbling through the loss of a loved one, Rodino adds.Financial Fatigue. For individuals struggling to make ends meet, surviving through the season can seem impossible and might even foster feelings of powerlessness or inadequacy. €œThese days there are a lot of people that are suffering financially because of buy antibiotics,” Rodino says.

€œThe whole zithromax has increased the burden.”These situations, she adds, are where can i buy zithromax over the counter not isolated to the holiday season. Rather than produce new problems, the season simply intensifies the issues and feelings that individuals face at any other time of the year. €œThey most likely will go through this in the same way they handle other times when they may be sad or anxious,” Rodino says.The Holiday HypeAt the core of this intensification, Rodino says, are the high hopes that the holiday season holds where can i buy zithromax over the counter. €œThe media does a pretty intense job of hyping up the holidays.” Traditional holiday imagery shows families present and content, speaking amiably and piling up presents to share. This standard is idealized and almost impossible to accomplish, she says, though many individuals strive to attain the unattainable.

€œWhen people feel that they can achieve that, or they try to achieve that and it doesn’t quite work, where can i buy zithromax over the counter they feel like somehow they’ve failed. That they’re inadequate."Many professionals agree that unreasonable aspirations are a significant source of dissatisfaction. €œThere's this where can i buy zithromax over the counter tradition of holidays,” says Pauline Wallin, a Pennsylvania psychologist in private practice. €œThe holidays don't measure up to the ideal.” Even those who anticipate the festivities all year can frequently find themselves stressed in preparation.While not many surveys have measured the holiday blues on a wide scale, one notable assessment by the American Psychological Association in 2006 showed that approximately 38 percent of Americans report increased stress during the holidays. A further 25 percent suffer from frequent fatigue, 20 percent from frequent stress and 7 percent from frequent sadness.Thankfully, psychologists say there are several strategies you can use to mitigate these issues:Make Plans.

Act deliberately and decisively about your activities where can i buy zithromax over the counter throughout the season, prioritizing particular celebrations and avoiding overscheduling. €œTry to think about a plan of how you want to spend the holidays and who you want to spend them with,” Rodino says. €œDon't become a where can i buy zithromax over the counter victim of the holidays. Take control.”Seek Support. Though it’s tempting to spend the time alone, try to speak to someone supportive and create social connections.

€œReach out to others,” Wallin says where can i buy zithromax over the counter. €œThink about somebody in your circle or in your neighborhood that would appreciate a phone call saying, ‘I'm thinking of you,’ because that takes the focus off yourself.” It’s also important to accept kindnesses from loved ones. €œOften family and friends realize that the person is going through their first holiday alone,” Rodino where can i buy zithromax over the counter says. €œThey try to include you and take extra good care… I stress that people should allow their friends and family to take care of them. It's a show of love and caring.”Set Sensible Expectations.

Remember that where can i buy zithromax over the counter attempting to achieve perfection is a surefire strategy for feeling frustrated, fatigued and insufficient. Avoid comparing yourself, your friends and your family to the ideals swirling around the season. €œWhen we compare ourselves where can i buy zithromax over the counter with others, we ultimately feel worse,” Wallin says. Instead, set your sights on a realistic season and concentrate on the things that are successful to reroute attention from imperfections. €œBeing grateful for what you have is another thing that is helpful,” she says.Spot Spiraling Symptoms.

Finally, if your feelings of sadness intensify or persist, it could indicate where can i buy zithromax over the counter something serious, such as depression or anxiety disorders. €œAll of these feelings that we’re talking about are on a continuum,” Rodino adds. €œIf a person does see some more serious symptoms, and they last longer than a few weeks beyond the holidays, then they should talk with where can i buy zithromax over the counter a psychologist.”All in all, psychologists advise people to treat themselves compassionately. €œIt is good for people to know that this is a condition that's pretty normal, that they’re not alone and that it ends,” Rodino says. €œIt’s short-lived.”The days are getting shorter, it’s harder to get out of bed in the morning and it’s darn near impossible to get outside before the sun goes down at night.

For some, the winter months make us want to saddle up on the couch with a bag of potato chips and hibernate until where can i buy zithromax over the counter spring. And for those with seasonal affective disorder (SAD), a subset of depression that occurs during the winter, the darkness of the season comes with much more serious mood disturbances. Plus, with age, the weight gain, sleepiness and lethargy associated with SAD may seem to get worse, and the heaviness of winter may feel harder to where can i buy zithromax over the counter overcome than in years past. Teodor Postolache, a psychiatry professor at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, says that although the data doesn’t support the condition getting worse with age, other factors may be at play.For example, older individuals are more likely to be lonely, which when coupled with SAD,can worsen the winter burden, especially around the holidays. Commemorating the loss of loved ones during the winter months is also more common in the elderly, says Postolache.

€œOlder people are more likely to where can i buy zithromax over the counter have had loved ones die and if these losses occurred during the winter months, SAD can feel harder than in years past,” he says.Seasonal Affective Disorder and Aging For the most part, research shows that SAD does not get worse with age. In fact, some data shows the opposite. "We don’t normally see new diagnoses of SAD in older individuals where can i buy zithromax over the counter. It’s usually those diagnosed in younger years who continue to come in for treatment," says Paul Nestadt, assistant professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. Scientists are not quite sure why this happens, but it may have something to do with the way the brain processes natural light through the lateral geniculate nucleus, which receives nerve signals from the eyes, and the suprachiasmatic nucleus, which regulates our circadian rhythms.

These stations in the brain become less sensitive to light where can i buy zithromax over the counter aswe age, as do our eyes themselves. Lifestyle changes with age play just as much of a role, says Nestadt, including daily behaviors and habits. When we’re younger we spend more time outdoors, doing where can i buy zithromax over the counter things like playing sports and hiking. But as we age, the transition into winter may be less dramatic because we’re used to spending more time indoors. While overall SAD may be less pronounced with age, the symptoms, which often include increased appetite and the inability to get out of bed in the morning, should not be underestimated.

€œWe see a lot more where can i buy zithromax over the counter weight gain with seasonal affective disorder compared to other forms of depression,” says Nestadt. Additionally, women are more susceptible to seasonal depression than men, which may be tied to the fact that they’re also more likely to be diagnosed with depression in general. There may also where can i buy zithromax over the counter be a hormonal component. Some research has shown that women with SAD are also more likely to be diagnosed with premenstrual dysphoric disorder. Though with SAD, women more commonly seek treatment compared to men, says Nestadt.A Light in the Darkness The good news is that regardless of age or gender, SAD is treatable with light therapy.

Talk therapy and anti-depressants may also where can i buy zithromax over the counter be effective. €œThe research findings surrounding light therapy are really strong,” says Nestadt. Most experts recommend the use of a 10,000 lux light each morning for where can i buy zithromax over the counter 30 minutes. (Lux is a measurement to account for the amount of illumination provided per unit.) That doesn’t mean that you have to sit and stare at the light. Simply placing your bright light on the kitchen table when you’re eating breakfast or catching up on emails in the morning can be enough to get the job done.But you have to make sure that you choose the right light.

A 10,000 lux light box is bright enough to mimic the where can i buy zithromax over the counter sunshine of a summer day. Paul Desan, a psychiatrist at Yale School of Medicine, notes that light boxes aren’t regulated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, where can i buy zithromax over the counter so the market is wrought with fraudulent products. Desan and his team at the Yale Winter Depression Research Lab evaluated a number of lights on the market and have come up with a listing of effective products. €œI’ll have a patient tell me that light therapy didn’t work for them but they’re often using products that aren’t strong enough,” says Desan.

Still, overall, where can i buy zithromax over the counter Desan says SAD is not taken seriously enough — and impacts a large portion of Americans, though states like Florida and Texas are less impacted. Research has shown that seasonal affective disorder impacts 5 percent of the population at mid-Atlantic latitudes (places like Washington D.C., Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, West Virginia and New York) and as high as 10 percent in the northern portion of the country. This means up to 10 percent of people in the northern where can i buy zithromax over the counter United States meet the criteria for a serious depressive episode each winter. €œThere’s an important public health message here,” says Desan. Fortunately, for many people, the fact that seasonal affective disorder is a treatable condition can help shine a light on those darker days..

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About This TrackerThis tracker provides the number of confirmed cases and deaths from novel http://www.ggs-regenbogen.bobi.net/how-much-does-cialis-cost-at-cvs/ antibiotics by country, the trend in confirmed case and death counts by country, and a global map showing purchase zithromax z pak which countries have confirmed cases and deaths. The data are drawn from the Johns Hopkins University (JHU) antibiotics Resource Center’s buy antibiotics Map and the World Health Organization’s (WHO) antibiotics Disease (buy antibiotics-2019) situation reports.This tracker will be updated regularly, as new data are released.Related Content. About buy antibiotics antibioticsIn late 2019, a new antibiotics emerged in central China to cause purchase zithromax z pak disease in humans. Cases of this disease, known as buy antibiotics, have since been reported across around the globe. On January 30, 2020, the World purchase zithromax z pak Health Organization (WHO) declared the zithromax represents a public health emergency of international concern, and on January 31, 2020, the U.S.

Department of Health and Human Services declared it to be a health emergency for the United States.Key PointsOn January 23, 2017, President Donald Trump reinstated and expanded the Mexico City Policy via presidential memorandum, renaming it “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance.” This explainer provides an overview of the policy, including its history, changes over time, and current application.First announced in 1984 by the Reagan administration, the policy has been rescinded and reinstated by subsequent administrations along party lines and has now been in effect for 19 of the past 34 years.The policy requires foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to certify that they will not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S. Funds) as purchase zithromax z pak a condition of receiving U.S. Government global family planning assistance and, as of Jan. 23, 2017, most other U.S purchase zithromax z pak. Global health assistance.The Trump administration’s application of the policy extends to the vast majority of U.S.

Bilateral global health purchase zithromax z pak assistance, including funding for HIV under PEPFAR, maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other programs. This marks a significant expansion of its scope, potentially encompassing $7.3 billion in FY 2020, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign NGOs, directly or indirectly (family planning assistance accounts for approximately $600 million of that total).Additionally, as a result of a March 2019 policy announcement and subsequent information released in June 2019, the policy, for the first time, prohibits foreign NGOs who accept the policy from providing any financial support using any source of funds and for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. This greatly extends purchase zithromax z pak its reach to other areas of U.S. Development assistance beyond global health and to other non-U.S. Funding streams.More recently, in September 2020, a proposed purchase zithromax z pak rule to extend the policy to contracts was published.

If finalized, it would greatly extend the reach of the policy beyond grants and cooperative agreements to also include contracts.KFF analyses have found that:more than half of the countries in which the U.S. Provides bilateral global health assistance allow for legal abortion in at least one case not permitted by the policy (analysis) purchase zithromax z pak. Andhad the expanded policy been in effect during the FY 2013 – FY 2015 period, at least 1,275 foreign NGOs would have been subject to the policy (analysis).What is the Mexico City Policy?. The Mexico purchase zithromax z pak City Policy is a U.S. Government policy that – when in effect – has required foreign NGOs to certify that they will not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S.

Funds) as purchase zithromax z pak a condition of receiving U.S. Global family planning assistance and, as of Jan. 23, 2017, most purchase zithromax z pak other U.S. Global health assistance.The policy was first announced by the Reagan administration at the 2nd International Conference on Population, which was held in Mexico City, Mexico, on August 6-14, 1984 (hence its name. See Box purchase zithromax z pak 1).

Under the Trump administration, the policy has been renamed “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance” (PLGHA). Among opponents, purchase zithromax z pak it is also known as the “Global Gag Rule,” because among other activities, it prohibits foreign NGOs from using any funds (including non-U.S. Funds) to provide information about abortion as a method of family planning and to lobby a foreign government to legalize abortion. €œ[T]he United States does not consider purchase zithromax z pak abortion an acceptable element of family planning programs and will no longer contribute to those of which it is a part. €¦[T]he United States will no longer contribute to separate nongovernmental organizations which perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning in other nations.”When first instituted in 1984, the Mexico City Policy marked an expansion of existing legislative restrictions that already prohibited U.S.

Funding for abortion internationally, purchase zithromax z pak with some exceptions (see below). Prior to the policy, foreign NGOs could use non-U.S. Funds to engage in certain purchase zithromax z pak voluntary abortion-related activities as long as they maintained segregated accounts for any U.S. Money received, but after the Mexico City Policy was in place, they were no longer permitted to do so if they wanted to receive U.S. Family planning assistance.The Trump purchase zithromax z pak administration’s application of the policy to the vast majority of U.S.

Bilateral global health assistance, including funding for HIV under the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other programs, marks a significant expansion of its scope, potentially encompassing $7.3 billion in FY 2020, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign purchase zithromax z pak NGOs, directly or indirectly (family planning assistance accounted for approximately $600 million of that total). The Administration’s more recent extension of the policy to include any financial support (health or otherwise) provided by foreign NGOs for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning is likely to encompass significant additional funding.When has it been in effect?. The Mexico City Policy has been in effect for 19 of the past 34 years, primarily through executive action, and has been instated, rescinded, and reinstated by presidential administrations along party lines (see Table 1).The policy was first instituted in 1984 (taking effect in 1985) by President Ronald Reagan and continued to be in effect through President George H.W. Bush’s administration purchase zithromax z pak.

It was rescinded by President Bill Clinton in 1993 (although it was reinstated legislatively for one year during his second term. See below) purchase zithromax z pak. The policy was reinstated by President George W. Bush in 2001 and then rescinded by purchase zithromax z pak President Barack Obama in 2009. It is currently in effect, having been reinstated by President Trump in 2017.

YearsIn Effect? purchase zithromax z pak. Presidential Administration (Party Affiliation)Executive (E) or Congressional (C) Action?. 1985-1989YesReagan (R)E1989-1993YesBush (R)E1993-1999 Sept.NoClinton (D)E1999 Oct.-2000 Sept.Yes*Clinton (D)C2000 Oct.-2001NoClinton (D)E2001-2009YesBush (R)E2009-2017NoObama (D)E2017-presentYesTrump (R)ENOTES purchase zithromax z pak. Shaded blue indicate periods when policy was in effect. * There was a temporary, one-year legislative imposition of the policy, which included a portion of the purchase zithromax z pak restrictions in effect in other years and an option for the president to waive these restrictions in part.

However, if the waiver option was exercised (for no more than $15 million in family planning assistance), then $12.5 million of this funding would be transferred to maternal and child health assistance. The president purchase zithromax z pak did exercise the waiver option.SOURCES. €œPolicy Statement of the United States of America at the United Nations International Conference on Population (Second Session), Mexico City, Mexico, August 6-14, 1984,” undated. Bill Clinton purchase zithromax z pak Administration, “Subject. AID Family Planning Grants/Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Acting Administrator of the Agency for International Development, January 22, 1993, Clinton White House Archives, https://clintonwhitehouse6.archives.gov/1993/01/1993-01-22-aid-family-planning-grants-mexico-city-policy.html.

FY 2000 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L purchase zithromax z pak. 106-113. George W purchase zithromax z pak. Bush Administration, “Subject. Restoration of the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the purchase zithromax z pak Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, January 22, 2001, Bush Administration White House Archives, https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/20010123-5.html.

€œSubject. Restoration of the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Administrator of the United States purchase zithromax z pak Agency for International Development, March 28, 2001, Federal Register, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2001/03/29/01-8011/restoration-of-the-mexico-city-policy. George W. Bush Administration, “Subject purchase zithromax z pak. Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, August 29, 2003, Bush Administration White House Archives, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/08/20030829-3.html.

Barack Obama Administration, “Mexico City Policy and Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Administrator of the United purchase zithromax z pak States Agency for International Development, January 23, 2009, Obama White House Archives, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/mexico-city-policy-and-assistance-voluntary-population-planning. White House, “The Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, the Administrator of the Agency for International Development, Jan. 23, 2017, https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/23/presidential-memorandum-regarding-mexico-city-policy.How purchase zithromax z pak is it instituted (and rescinded)?. The Mexico City Policy has, for the most part, been instituted or rescinded through executive branch action (typically via presidential memoranda). While Congress has the ability to institute the policy through legislation, this has happened only once in the past purchase zithromax z pak.

A modified version of the policy was briefly applied by Congress during President Clinton’s last year in office as part of a broader arrangement to pay the U.S. Debt to the United Nations purchase zithromax z pak. (At that time, President Clinton was able to partially waive the policy’s restrictions.) Other attempts to institute the policy through legislation have not been enacted into law, nor have legislative attempts to overturn the policy. See Table 1.Who purchase zithromax z pak does the policy apply to?. The policy, when in effect, applies to foreign NGOs as a condition for receiving U.S.

Family planning support and, now, other global health assistance, either directly (as the main – or prime – recipient of U.S. Funding) or indirectly (as a recipient of purchase zithromax z pak U.S. Funding through an agreement with the prime recipient. Referred to as purchase zithromax z pak a sub-recipient). Specifically, a foreign NGO “recipient agrees that it will not, during the term of this award, perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning in foreign countries or provide financial support to any other foreign non-governmental organization that conducts such activities.”Foreign NGOs include:international NGOs that are based outside the U.S.,regional NGOs that are based outside the U.S., andlocal NGOs in assisted countries.U.S.

NGOs, while not directly subject to the Mexico City Policy, must also agree to ensure that they do not purchase zithromax z pak provide funding to any foreign NGO sub-recipients unless those sub-recipients have first certified adherence to the policy. Specifically, a U.S. NGO “recipient (A) agrees that it purchase zithromax z pak will not furnish health assistance under this award to any foreign non-governmental organization that performs or actively promotes abortion as a method of family planning in foreign countries. And (B) further agrees to require that such sub-recipients do not provide financial support to any other foreign non-governmental organization that conducts such activities.”As in the past, the current policy does not apply to funding provided by the U.S. Government to foreign governments (national or sub-national), public international organizations, and other purchase zithromax z pak multilateral entities, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and Gavi, the treatment Alliance.

However, this funding is subject to the policy if it flows through a foreign NGO that has accepted the policy. See “What purchase zithromax z pak is ‘financial support’?. € below.To what assistance does it apply?. In the past, foreign NGOs have been required purchase zithromax z pak to adhere to the Mexico City Policy – when it was in effect – as a condition of receiving support through certain U.S. International funding streams.

Family planning purchase zithromax z pak assistance through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and, beginning in 2003, family planning assistance through the U.S. Department of purchase zithromax z pak State. In the 2003 memorandum announcing the policy’s expansion to include the Department of State, President Bush stated that the policy did not apply to funding for global HIV/AIDS programs and that multilateral organizations that are associations of governments are not included among “foreign NGOs.”The current policy, reinstated in 2017, applies to the vast majority of U.S. Bilateral global health assistance furnished by purchase zithromax z pak all agencies and departments.

“Assistance” includes “the provision of funds, commodities, equipment, or other in-kind global health assistance.” Specifically, the expanded policy applies to nearly all bilateral global health assistance, including. family planning and reproductive healthfor the purchase zithromax z pak first time:maternal and child health (including household-level water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH))nutritionHIV under PEPFARtuberculosismalaria under the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI)neglected tropical diseasesglobal health securitycertain types of research activitiesThe policy applies to the assistance described above that is appropriated directly to three agencies and departments. USAID. The Department of State, including the Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator, purchase zithromax z pak which oversees and coordinates U.S. Global HIV funding under PEPFAR.

And for purchase zithromax z pak the first time, the Department of Defense (DoD). When such funding is transferred to another agency, including the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH), it remains subject to the policy, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign NGOs, directly or indirectly.The policy applies to three types of funding agreements for such assistance. Grants. Cooperative agreements. And, for the first time, contracts, pending necessary rule-making that would be needed to do so (a proposed rule to accomplish this was published in September 2020).The policy does not apply to U.S.

Assistance for. Water supply and sanitation activities, which is usually focused on infrastructure and systems. Humanitarian assistance, including activities related to migration and refugee assistance activities as well as disaster and humanitarian relief activities. The American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA) program. And Food for Peace (FFP).

However, this funding is subject to the policy if it flows through a foreign NGO that has accepted the policy. See “What is ‘financial support’?. € below.What activities are prohibited?. The policy prohibits foreign NGOs that receive U.S. Family planning assistance and, now, most other U.S.

Bilateral global health assistance from using funds from any source (including non-U.S. Funds) to “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning.” In addition to providing abortions with non-U.S. Funds, restricted activities also include the following:providing advice and information about and offering referral for abortion – where legal – as part of the full range of family planning options,promoting changes in a country’s laws or policies related to abortion as a method of family planning (i.e., engaging in lobbying), andconducting public information campaigns about abortion as a method of family planning.The prohibition of these activities are why the policy has been referred to by its critics as the “Global Gag Rule.”Additionally, for the first time, the policy prohibits foreign NGOs from providing any financial support with any source of funds (including non-U.S. Funding) and for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. See “What is “financial support?.

€ below.The policy, however, does not prohibit foreign NGOs from:providing advice and information about, performing, or offering referral for abortion in cases where the pregnancy has either posed a risk to the life of the mother or resulted from incest or rape. Andresponding to a question about where a safe, legal abortion may be obtained when a woman who is already pregnant clearly states that she has already decided to have a legal abortion (passively providing information, versus actively providing medically-appropriate information).In addition, the expanded policy does not apply to healthcare providers who have an affirmative duty required under local law to provide counseling about and referrals for abortion as a method of family planning.Does it restrict direct U.S. Funding for abortion overseas?. U.S. Funding for abortion is already restricted under several provisions of the law.

Specifically, before the Mexico City Policy was first announced in 1984, U.S. Law already prohibited the use of U.S. Aid:to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortion (the Helms Amendment, 1973, to the Foreign Assistance Act);for biomedical research related to methods of or the performance of abortion as a means of family planning (the Biden Amendment, 1981, to the Foreign Assistance Act). Andto lobby for or against abortion (the Siljander Amendment, first included in annual appropriations in 1981 and included each year thereafter).Then, shortly after the policy was announced in 1984, the Kemp-Kasten Amendment was passed in 1985, prohibiting the use of U.S. Aid to fund any organization or program, as determined by the president, that supports or participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization (it is now included in annual appropriations).Before the Mexico City Policy, U.S.

Aid recipients could use non-U.S. Funds to engage in certain abortion-related activities but were required to maintain segregated accounts for U.S. Assistance. The Mexico City Policy reversed this practice. No longer were foreign NGOs allowed to use non-U.S.

Funds, maintained in segregated accounts, for voluntary abortion-related activities if they wished to continue to receive or be able to receive U.S. Family planning funds.Does the policy prohibit post-abortion care?. The Mexico City Policy does not restrict the provision of post-abortion care, which is a supported activity of U.S. Family planning assistance. Whether or not the Mexico City Policy is in effect, recipients of U.S.

Family planning assistance are allowed to use U.S. And non-U.S. Funding to support post-abortion care, no matter the circumstances of the abortion (whether it was legal or illegal).What has been the impact of the policy?. Several studies have looked at the impact of the policy. A 2011 quantitative analysis by Bendavid, et.

Al, found a strong association between the Mexico City Policy and abortion rates in sub-Saharan Africa. This study was recently updated to include several more years of data, again identifying a strong association. Specifically, the updated study found that during periods when the policy was in place, abortion rates rose by 40% in countries with high exposure to the Mexico City Policy compared to those with low exposure, while the use of modern contraceptives declined by 14% and pregnancies increased by 12% in high exposure compared to low exposure countries. In other words, it found patterns that “strengthen the case for the role played by the policy” in “a substantial increase in abortions across sub-Saharan Africa among women affected by the U.S. Mexico City Policy … [and] a corresponding decline in the use of modern contraception and increase in pregnancies,” likely because foreign NGOs that declined U.S.

Funding as a result of the Mexico City Policy – often key providers of women’s health services in these areas – had fewer resources to support family planning services, particularly contraceptives. Increased access to and use of contraception have been shown to be key to preventing unintended pregnancies and thereby reducing abortion, including unsafe abortion. The study also found patterns that “suggest that the effects of the policy are reversible” when the policy is not in place.Additionally, there has been anecdotal evidence and qualitative data on the impact of the policy, when it has been in force in the past, on the work of organizations that have chosen not to agree to the policy and, therefore, forgo U.S. Funding that had previously supported their activities. For example, they have reported that they have fewer resources to support family planning and reproductive health services, including family planning counseling, contraceptive commodities, condoms, and reproductive cancer screenings.While it is likely too early to assess the full effects of the current policy on NGOs and the individuals they serve, as the policy is applied on a rolling basis as new funding agreements or modifications to existing agreements are made, some early data are available.

Several early qualitative and quantitative studies have been released, and at least one long-term, quantitative assessment is underway. Additionally, an official assessment by the U.S. Department of State on implementation during the first six months of the policy has been released (see below). This review acknowledged that it took “place early in the policy’s implementation, when affected U.S. Government departments and agencies have added a significant portion of the funding affected by the policy to grants and cooperative agreements only recently [i.e., after the period the review examined].

A follow-on analysis would allow an opportunity to address one of the primary concerns presented in feedback from third-party stakeholder organizations, namely that six months is insufficient time to gauge the impacts of” the policy.Nonetheless, it is already clear that the reinstated and expanded version of the policy applies to a much greater amount of U.S. Global health assistance, and greater number of foreign NGOs, across many program areas. KFF has found that more than half (37) of the 64 countries that received U.S. Bilateral global health assistance in FY 2016 allow for legal abortion in at least one case not permitted by the policy and that had the expanded Mexico City Policy been in effect during the FY 2013 – FY 2015 period, at least 1,275 foreign NGOs would have been subject to the policy. In addition, at least 469 U.S.

NGOs that received U.S. Global health assistance during this period would have been required to ensure that their foreign NGO sub-recipients were in compliance. Additional foreign NGOs are likely to be impacted by the policy due to the revised interpretation of “financial support” announced in March 2019 and implemented beginning June 2019. See “What is ‘financial support’?. € below.A report released in March 2020 by the U.S.

Government Accountability Office (GAO) provided new information on the number of projects (awards) and NGOs affected. It found that from May 2017 through FY 2018:the policy had been applied to over 1,300 global health projects, with the vast majority of these through USAID and CDC, andNGOs declined to accept the policy in 54 instances, totaling $153 million in declined funding – specifically, seven prime awards amounting to $102 million and 47 sub-awards amounting to $51 million (more than two-thirds of sub-awards were intended for Africa) – across USAID and CDC. The Department of State and DoD did not identify any instances where NGOs declined to accept the policy conditions.What have the U.S. Government’s reviews of the policy found?. The U.S.

Government has published two reviews of the policy to date, with the first examining the initial six months of the policy released in February 2018 and the second examining the first 18 months of the policy released in August 2020.First ReviewIn February 2018, the Department of State announced the findings of an initial six-month review of implementation of the policy through the end of FY 2017 (September 2017). The report directed agencies to provide greater support for improving understanding of implementation among affected organizations and provided guidance to clarify terms included in standard provisions of grants and cooperative agreements. In the six-month review report, the Department of State report identified a number of “actions” for implementing agencies, such as a need for:more central and field-based training and implementation tools,a clearer explanation of termination of awards for NGOs found to be in violation of the policy, anda clarification of “financial support,” which was not defined in the standard provisions (see “What is financial support?. € below).The six month review also identified the number of affected agreements with prime implementing partners and the number of those that have accepted the Mexico City Policy as part of their agreements through September 2017 (see Table 2). U.S.

Agency or DepartmentPolicy Implementation DateOverall # of Grants and Cooperative Agreements with Global Health Assistance FundingOf Overall #:(From the Policy Implementation Date through 9/30/2017)# That Received New Funding and Accepted Policy# That Received New Funding and Declined to Accept Policy^# That Had Not Received New Funding YetUSAIDMay 15, 20175804193158State*May 15, 2017142108034HHS+May 31, 20174991600339DoDMay 15, 20177742134TOTAL12987294565NOTES. * reflects PEPFAR funding implemented through the Department of State. Other departments and agencies implement the majority of PEPFAR funding. + At HHS agencies, only certain assistance funding transferred from USAID, State, and DoD are subject to the policy. ^ As of September 30, 2017, USAID reported it was aware of three centrally funded prime partners, and 12 sub-awardee implementing partners, that declined to agree to the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (PLGHA) terms in their awards.

DoD reported that one DoD partner, a U.S. NGO, declined to agree in one country but accepted the PLGHA standard provision in other countries. And HHS reported that no HHS partners declined to agree.SOURCES. KFF analysis of data from Department of State, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Six-Month Review,” report, Feb. 6, 2018, https://www.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-six-month-review/.Second ReviewOn August 17, 2020, the Department of State released its second review of the policy, updating its initial six-month review (as an action item in the six-month review report, the department stated it would “conduct a further review of implementation of the policy by December 15, 2018, when more extensive experience will enable a more thorough examination of the benefits and challenges”).

The long-anticipated review, which examines the period from May 2017 through September 2018, found:the awards declined spanned a variety of program areas, including family planning and reproductive health (FP/RH), HIV and AIDS (HIV/AIDS), maternal and child health (MCH), tuberculosis (TB), and nutrition, in addition to cross-cutting awards;the awards declined spanned geographic areas but many were for activities in sub-Saharan Africa;agencies and departments made efforts to transition projects to another implementer in order to minimize disruption. Butnevertheless, among USAID awards involving health service delivery where prime and sub-award recipients declined to accept the policy, gaps or disruptions in service delivery were sometimes reported.The second review also identified the number of affected agreements with prime implementing partners and the number of those that have accepted the Mexico City Policy as part of their agreements through September 2018 (see Table 3). U.S. Agency or DepartmentPolicy Implementation Date# of Grants and Cooperative Agreements with Global Health Assistance Funding# of Prime Awardees That Declined to Accept Policy^USAIDMay 15, 20174866State*May 15, 20173350HHS+May 31, 20174661DoDMay 15, 2017531TOTAL13408NOTES. * reflects PEPFAR funding implemented through the Department of State.

Other departments and agencies implement the majority of PEPFAR funding. + At HHS agencies, only certain assistance funding transferred from USAID, State, and DoD are subject to the policy. ^ As of September 30, 2018, USAID reported it was aware of six centrally funded prime partners, and 47 sub-awardee implementing partners, that declined to agree to the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (PLGHA) terms in their awards. DoD reported that one DoD partner, a U.S. NGO, declined to agree in one country but accepted the PLGHA standard provision in other countries.

And HHS reported that one HHS partner declined to agree.SOURCES. KFF analysis of data from Department of State, “Review of the Implementation of the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Policy ,” report, Aug. 17, 2020, https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/PLGHA-2019-Review-Final-8.17.2020-508.pdf, and Department of State, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Six-Month Review,” report, Feb. 6, 2018, https://www.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-six-month-review/.Additionally, the review reports that 47 sub-awardees, all under USAID awards, declined to accept the policy. It is important to note that the review also states that information on sub-awards is not systematically collected by departments and agencies and that DoD was not able to collect information on sub-awards.What is “financial support”?.

In February 2018, in the initial six-month review issued when Secretary of State Tillerson led the department, the Department of State report included an “action” statement to clarify the definition of “financial support” as used in the standard provisions for grants and cooperative agreements. At issue was whether it applied more narrowly to certain funding provided by foreign NGOs (i.e., funding other than U.S. Global health funding) to other foreign NGOs specifically for the purpose of performing or actively promoting abortion as a method of family planning or if it applied more broadly to certain funding provided by foreign NGOs to other foreign NGOs for any purpose, if that foreign NGO happened to perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. The State Department clarified that it was the more narrow interpretation.However, on March 26, 2019, Secretary of State Pompeo reversed this interpretation, announcing further “refinements” to the policy to clarify that it applied to the broader definition of financial support. Specifically, under the policy, U.S.-supported foreign NGOs agree to not provide any financial support (global health-related as well as other support), no matter the source of funds, to any other foreign NGO that performs or actively promotes abortion as a method of family planning.

In June 2019, USAID provided additional information to reflect this broader interpretation of the standard provisions.This marks the first time the policy has been applied this broadly, as it can now affect funding provided by other donors (such as other governments and foundations) and non-global health funding provided by the U.S. Government for a wide range of purposes if this funding is first provided to foreign NGOs who have accepted the policy (as recipients of U.S. Global health assistance) that then in turn provide that donor or U.S. Non global health funding for any purpose to foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. For example, under the prior interpretation, a foreign NGO recipient of U.S.

Global health funding could not provide any non-U.S. Funding to another foreign NGO to perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning but could provide funding for other activities, such as education, even if the foreign NGO carried out prohibited activities. Under the broader interpretation, a foreign NGO could not provide any non-U.S. Funding for any activity to a foreign NGO that carried out prohibited activities. Similarly, while under the prior interpretation a foreign NGO recipient of U.S.

Global health funding could provide other U.S. Funding (such as humanitarian assistance) to another foreign NGO for non-prohibited activities, even if the foreign NGO carried out prohibited activities, now under the broader interpretation, it could not do so.What are the next steps in implementing the expanded policy?. The policy went into effect in May 2017 (see Table 2), although it is applied on a rolling basis, as new funding agreements and modifications to existing agreements occur. While it applies to all grants and cooperative agreements, the Trump administration has indicated that it intends the policy to apply to contracts, which would require a rule-making process (it began this process by publishing a proposed rule in September 2020)..

About This TrackerThis tracker provides the number of confirmed cases and deaths from novel antibiotics by country, the trend in confirmed case and death counts by country, and a global map showing which countries have confirmed where can i buy zithromax over the counter cases and deaths. The data are drawn from the Johns Hopkins University (JHU) antibiotics Resource Center’s buy antibiotics Map and the World Health Organization’s (WHO) antibiotics Disease (buy antibiotics-2019) situation reports.This tracker will be updated regularly, as new data are released.Related Content. About buy antibiotics antibioticsIn late 2019, a new antibiotics emerged where can i buy zithromax over the counter in central China to cause disease in humans.

Cases of this disease, known as buy antibiotics, have since been reported across around the globe. On January 30, 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the zithromax represents a public health emergency of where can i buy zithromax over the counter international concern, and on January 31, 2020, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services declared it to be a health emergency for the United States.Key PointsOn January 23, 2017, President Donald Trump reinstated and expanded the Mexico City Policy via presidential memorandum, renaming it “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance.” This explainer provides an overview of the policy, including its history, changes over time, and current application.First announced in 1984 by the Reagan administration, the policy has been rescinded and reinstated by subsequent administrations along party lines and has now been in effect for 19 of the past 34 years.The policy requires foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to certify that they will not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S.

Funds) as where can i buy zithromax over the counter a condition of receiving U.S. Government global family planning assistance and, as of Jan. 23, 2017, where can i buy zithromax over the counter most other U.S.

Global health assistance.The Trump administration’s application of the policy extends to the vast majority of U.S. Bilateral global where can i buy zithromax over the counter health assistance, including funding for HIV under PEPFAR, maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other programs. This marks a significant expansion of its scope, potentially encompassing $7.3 billion in FY 2020, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign NGOs, directly or indirectly (family planning assistance accounts for approximately $600 million of that total).Additionally, as a result of a March 2019 policy announcement and subsequent information released in June 2019, the policy, for the first time, prohibits foreign NGOs who accept the policy from providing any financial support using any source of funds and for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning.

This greatly where can i buy zithromax over the counter extends its reach to other areas of U.S. Development assistance beyond global health and to other non-U.S. Funding streams.More where can i buy zithromax over the counter recently, in September 2020, a proposed rule to extend the policy to contracts was published.

If finalized, it would greatly extend the reach of the policy beyond grants and cooperative agreements to also include contracts.KFF analyses have found that:more than half of the countries in which the U.S. Provides bilateral global health assistance allow for legal where can i buy zithromax over the counter abortion in at least one case not permitted by the policy (analysis). Andhad the expanded policy been in effect during the FY 2013 – FY 2015 period, at least 1,275 foreign NGOs would have been subject to the policy (analysis).What is the Mexico City Policy?.

The Mexico where can i buy zithromax over the counter City Policy is a U.S. Government policy that – when in effect – has required foreign NGOs to certify that they will not “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning” using funds from any source (including non-U.S. Funds) as a where can i buy zithromax over the counter condition of receiving U.S.

Global family planning assistance and, as of Jan. 23, 2017, where can i buy zithromax over the counter most other U.S. Global health assistance.The policy was first announced by the Reagan administration at the 2nd International Conference on Population, which was held in Mexico City, Mexico, on August 6-14, 1984 (hence its name.

See Box 1) where can i buy zithromax over the counter. Under the Trump administration, the policy has been renamed “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance” (PLGHA). Among opponents, it is also known as where can i buy zithromax over the counter the “Global Gag Rule,” because among other activities, it prohibits foreign NGOs from using any funds (including non-U.S.

Funds) to provide information about abortion as a method of family planning and to lobby a foreign government to legalize abortion. €œ[T]he United States does not consider abortion where can i buy zithromax over the counter an acceptable element of family planning programs and will no longer contribute to those of which it is a part. €¦[T]he United States will no longer contribute to separate nongovernmental organizations which perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning in other nations.”When first instituted in 1984, the Mexico City Policy marked an expansion of existing legislative restrictions that already prohibited U.S.

Funding for abortion internationally, with some exceptions (see below) where can i buy zithromax over the counter. Prior to the policy, foreign NGOs could use non-U.S. Funds to where can i buy zithromax over the counter engage in certain voluntary abortion-related activities as long as they maintained segregated accounts for any U.S.

Money received, but after the Mexico City Policy was in place, they were no longer permitted to do so if they wanted to receive U.S. Family planning assistance.The Trump administration’s application of the policy to where can i buy zithromax over the counter the vast majority of U.S. Bilateral global health assistance, including funding for HIV under the U.S.

President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS where can i buy zithromax over the counter Relief (PEPFAR), maternal and child health, malaria, nutrition, and other programs, marks a significant expansion of its scope, potentially encompassing $7.3 billion in FY 2020, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign NGOs, directly or indirectly (family planning assistance accounted for approximately $600 million of that total). The Administration’s more recent extension of the policy to include any financial support (health or otherwise) provided by foreign NGOs for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning is likely to encompass significant additional funding.When has it been in effect?. The Mexico City Policy has been in effect for 19 of the past 34 years, primarily through executive action, and has been instated, rescinded, and reinstated by presidential administrations along party lines (see Table 1).The policy was first instituted in 1984 (taking effect in 1985) by President Ronald Reagan and continued to be in effect through President George H.W.

Bush’s administration where can i buy zithromax over the counter. It was rescinded by President Bill Clinton in 1993 (although it was reinstated legislatively for one year during his second term. See below) where can i buy zithromax over the counter.

The policy was reinstated by President George W. Bush in 2001 and then rescinded by President where can i buy zithromax over the counter Barack Obama in 2009. It is currently in effect, having been reinstated by President Trump in 2017.

YearsIn Effect? where can i buy zithromax over the counter. Presidential Administration (Party Affiliation)Executive (E) or Congressional (C) Action?. 1985-1989YesReagan (R)E1989-1993YesBush (R)E1993-1999 Sept.NoClinton (D)E1999 Oct.-2000 Sept.Yes*Clinton (D)C2000 Oct.-2001NoClinton (D)E2001-2009YesBush where can i buy zithromax over the counter (R)E2009-2017NoObama (D)E2017-presentYesTrump (R)ENOTES.

Shaded blue indicate periods when policy was in effect. * There was a temporary, one-year legislative imposition of the policy, which included a portion of the restrictions in where can i buy zithromax over the counter effect in other years and an option for the president to waive these restrictions in part. However, if the waiver option was exercised (for no more than $15 million in family planning assistance), then $12.5 million of this funding would be transferred to maternal and child health assistance.

The president did exercise the waiver option.SOURCES where can i buy zithromax over the counter. €œPolicy Statement of the United States of America at the United Nations International Conference on Population (Second Session), Mexico City, Mexico, August 6-14, 1984,” undated. Bill Clinton where can i buy zithromax over the counter Administration, “Subject.

AID Family Planning Grants/Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Acting Administrator of the Agency for International Development, January 22, 1993, Clinton White House Archives, https://clintonwhitehouse6.archives.gov/1993/01/1993-01-22-aid-family-planning-grants-mexico-city-policy.html. FY 2000 Consolidated Appropriations where can i buy zithromax over the counter Act, P.L. 106-113.

George W where can i buy zithromax over the counter. Bush Administration, “Subject. Restoration of the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Administrator of the United States Agency for International where can i buy zithromax over the counter Development, January 22, 2001, Bush Administration White House Archives, https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/20010123-5.html.

€œSubject. Restoration of where can i buy zithromax over the counter the Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, March 28, 2001, Federal Register, https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2001/03/29/01-8011/restoration-of-the-mexico-city-policy. George W.

Bush Administration, where can i buy zithromax over the counter “Subject. Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, August 29, 2003, Bush Administration White House Archives, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2003/08/20030829-3.html. Barack Obama Administration, “Mexico City Policy where can i buy zithromax over the counter and Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, January 23, 2009, Obama White House Archives, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/mexico-city-policy-and-assistance-voluntary-population-planning.

White House, “The Mexico City Policy,” Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, the Administrator of the Agency for International Development, Jan. 23, 2017, https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/23/presidential-memorandum-regarding-mexico-city-policy.How is it instituted (and where can i buy zithromax over the counter rescinded)?. The Mexico City Policy has, for the most part, been instituted or rescinded through executive branch action (typically via presidential memoranda).

While Congress has the ability to institute the policy through where can i buy zithromax over the counter legislation, this has happened only once in the past. A modified version of the policy was briefly applied by Congress during President Clinton’s last year in office as part of a broader arrangement to pay the U.S. Debt to the United Nations where can i buy zithromax over the counter.

(At that time, President Clinton was able to partially waive the policy’s restrictions.) Other attempts to institute the policy through legislation have not been enacted into law, nor have legislative attempts to overturn the policy. See Table 1.Who does the policy apply where can i buy zithromax over the counter to?. The policy, when in effect, applies to foreign NGOs as a condition for receiving U.S.

Family planning support and, now, other global health assistance, either directly (as the main – or prime – recipient of U.S. Funding) or indirectly (as a where can i buy zithromax over the counter recipient of U.S. Funding through an agreement with the prime recipient.

Referred to as a where can i buy zithromax over the counter sub-recipient). Specifically, a foreign NGO “recipient agrees that it will not, during the term of this award, perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning in foreign countries or provide financial support to any other foreign non-governmental organization that conducts such activities.”Foreign NGOs include:international NGOs that are based outside the U.S.,regional NGOs that are based outside the U.S., andlocal NGOs in assisted countries.U.S. NGOs, while not directly subject to the Mexico City Policy, must also agree to ensure where can i buy zithromax over the counter that they do not provide funding to any foreign NGO sub-recipients unless those sub-recipients have first certified adherence to the policy.

Specifically, a U.S. NGO “recipient (A) agrees that it will not furnish health assistance where can i buy zithromax over the counter under this award to any foreign non-governmental organization that performs or actively promotes abortion as a method of family planning in foreign countries. And (B) further agrees to require that such sub-recipients do not provide financial support to any other foreign non-governmental organization that conducts such activities.”As in the past, the current policy does not apply to funding provided by the U.S.

Government to foreign governments (national or sub-national), public international organizations, and other multilateral entities, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria where can i buy zithromax over the counter and Gavi, the treatment Alliance. However, this funding is subject to the policy if it flows through a foreign NGO that has accepted the policy. See “What is where can i buy zithromax over the counter ‘financial support’?.

€ below.To what assistance does it apply?. In the past, where can i buy zithromax over the counter foreign NGOs have been required to adhere to the Mexico City Policy – when it was in effect – as a condition of receiving support through certain U.S. International funding streams.

Family planning assistance through the U.S where can i buy zithromax over the counter. Agency for International Development (USAID) and, beginning in 2003, family planning assistance through the U.S. Department of where can i buy zithromax over the counter State.

In the 2003 memorandum announcing the policy’s expansion to include the Department of State, President Bush stated that the policy did not apply to funding for global HIV/AIDS programs and that multilateral organizations that are associations of governments are not included among “foreign NGOs.”The current policy, reinstated in 2017, applies to the vast majority of U.S. Bilateral global health assistance furnished by all agencies and departments where can i buy zithromax over the counter. “Assistance” includes “the provision of funds, commodities, equipment, or other in-kind global health assistance.” Specifically, the expanded policy applies to nearly all bilateral global health assistance, including.

family planning and reproductive healthfor the first time:maternal and child health (including household-level water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH))nutritionHIV under PEPFARtuberculosismalaria under the President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI)neglected tropical diseasesglobal health securitycertain types of research activitiesThe policy applies to the assistance described above that is appropriated directly to three where can i buy zithromax over the counter agencies and departments. USAID. The Department of State, including where can i buy zithromax over the counter the Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator, which oversees and coordinates U.S.

Global HIV funding under PEPFAR. And for the first where can i buy zithromax over the counter time, the Department of Defense (DoD). When such funding is transferred to another agency, including the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH), it remains subject to the policy, to the extent that such funding is ultimately provided to foreign NGOs, directly or indirectly.The policy applies to three types of funding agreements for such assistance.

Grants. Cooperative agreements. And, for the first time, contracts, pending necessary rule-making that would be needed to do so (a proposed rule to accomplish this was published in September 2020).The policy does not apply to U.S.

Assistance for. Water supply and sanitation activities, which is usually focused on infrastructure and systems. Humanitarian assistance, including activities related to migration and refugee assistance activities as well as disaster and humanitarian relief activities.

The American Schools and Hospitals Abroad (ASHA) program. And Food for Peace (FFP). However, this funding is subject to the policy if it flows through a foreign NGO that has accepted the policy.

See “What is ‘financial support’?. € below.What activities are prohibited?. The policy prohibits foreign NGOs that receive U.S.

Family planning assistance and, now, most other U.S. Bilateral global health assistance from using funds from any source (including non-U.S. Funds) to “perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning.” In addition to providing abortions with non-U.S.

Funds, restricted activities also include the following:providing advice and information about and offering referral for abortion – where legal – as part of the full range of family planning options,promoting changes in a country’s laws or policies related to abortion as a method of family planning (i.e., engaging in lobbying), andconducting public information campaigns about abortion as a method of family planning.The prohibition of these activities are why the policy has been referred to by its critics as the “Global Gag Rule.”Additionally, for the first time, the policy prohibits foreign NGOs from providing any financial support with any source of funds (including non-U.S. Funding) and for any purpose to other foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. See “What is “financial support?.

€ below.The policy, however, does not prohibit foreign NGOs from:providing advice and information about, performing, or offering referral for abortion in cases where the pregnancy has either posed a risk to the life of the mother or resulted from incest or rape. Andresponding to a question about where a safe, legal abortion may be obtained when a woman who is already pregnant clearly states that she has already decided to have a legal abortion (passively providing information, versus actively providing medically-appropriate information).In addition, the expanded policy does not apply to healthcare providers who have an affirmative duty required under local law to provide counseling about and referrals for abortion as a method of family planning.Does it restrict direct U.S. Funding for abortion overseas?.

U.S. Funding for abortion is already restricted under several provisions of the law. Specifically, before the Mexico City Policy was first announced in 1984, U.S.

Law already prohibited the use of U.S. Aid:to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortion (the Helms Amendment, 1973, to the Foreign Assistance Act);for biomedical research related to methods of or the performance of abortion as a means of family planning (the Biden Amendment, 1981, to the Foreign Assistance Act). Andto lobby for or against abortion (the Siljander Amendment, first included in annual appropriations in 1981 and included each year thereafter).Then, shortly after the policy was announced in 1984, the Kemp-Kasten Amendment was passed in 1985, prohibiting the use of U.S.

Aid to fund any organization or program, as determined by the president, that supports or participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization (it is now included in annual appropriations).Before the Mexico City Policy, U.S. Aid recipients could use non-U.S. Funds to engage in certain abortion-related activities but were required to maintain segregated accounts for U.S.

Assistance. The Mexico City Policy reversed this practice. No longer were foreign NGOs allowed to use non-U.S.

Funds, maintained in segregated accounts, for voluntary abortion-related activities if they wished to continue to receive or be able to receive U.S. Family planning funds.Does the policy prohibit post-abortion care?. The Mexico City Policy does not restrict the provision of post-abortion care, which is a supported activity of U.S.

Family planning assistance. Whether or not the Mexico City Policy is in effect, recipients of U.S. Family planning assistance are allowed to use U.S.

And non-U.S. Funding to support post-abortion care, no matter the circumstances of the abortion (whether it was legal or illegal).What has been the impact of the policy?. Several studies have looked at the impact of the policy.

A 2011 quantitative analysis by Bendavid, et. Al, found a strong association between the Mexico City Policy and abortion rates in sub-Saharan Africa. This study was recently updated to include several more years of data, again identifying a strong association.

Specifically, the updated study found that during periods when the policy was in place, abortion rates rose by 40% in countries with high exposure to the Mexico City Policy compared to those with low exposure, while the use of modern contraceptives declined by 14% and pregnancies increased by 12% in high exposure compared to low exposure countries. In other words, it found patterns that “strengthen the case for the role played by the policy” in “a substantial increase in abortions across sub-Saharan Africa among women affected by the U.S. Mexico City Policy … [and] a corresponding decline in the use of modern contraception and increase in pregnancies,” likely because foreign NGOs that declined U.S.

Funding as a result of the Mexico City Policy – often key providers of women’s health services in these areas – had fewer resources to support family planning services, particularly contraceptives. Increased access to and use of contraception have been shown to be key to preventing unintended pregnancies and thereby reducing abortion, including unsafe abortion. The study also found patterns that “suggest that the effects of the policy are reversible” when the policy is not in place.Additionally, there has been anecdotal evidence and qualitative data on the impact of the policy, when it has been in force in the past, on the work of organizations that have chosen not to agree to the policy and, therefore, forgo U.S.

Funding that had previously supported their activities. For example, they have reported that they have fewer resources to support family planning and reproductive health services, including family planning counseling, contraceptive commodities, condoms, and reproductive cancer screenings.While it is likely too early to assess the full effects of the current policy on NGOs and the individuals they serve, as the policy is applied on a rolling basis as new funding agreements or modifications to existing agreements are made, some early data are available. Several early qualitative and quantitative studies have been released, and at least one long-term, quantitative assessment is underway.

Additionally, an official assessment by the U.S. Department of State on implementation during the first six months of the policy has been released (see below). This review acknowledged that it took “place early in the policy’s implementation, when affected U.S.

Government departments and agencies have added a significant portion of the funding affected by the policy to grants and cooperative agreements only recently [i.e., after the period the review examined]. A follow-on analysis would allow an opportunity to address one of the primary concerns presented in feedback from third-party stakeholder organizations, namely that six months is insufficient time to gauge the impacts of” the policy.Nonetheless, it is already clear that the reinstated and expanded version of the policy applies to a much greater amount of U.S. Global health assistance, and greater number of foreign NGOs, across many program areas.

KFF has found that more than half (37) of the 64 countries that received U.S. Bilateral global health assistance in FY 2016 allow for legal abortion in at least one case not permitted by the policy and that had the expanded Mexico City Policy been in effect during the FY 2013 – FY 2015 period, at least 1,275 foreign NGOs would have been subject to the policy. In addition, at least 469 U.S.

NGOs that received U.S. Global health assistance during this period would have been required to ensure that their foreign NGO sub-recipients were in compliance. Additional foreign NGOs are likely to be impacted by the policy due to the revised interpretation of “financial support” announced in March 2019 and implemented beginning June 2019.

See “What is ‘financial support’?. € below.A report released in March 2020 by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) provided new information on the number of projects (awards) and NGOs affected.

It found that from May 2017 through FY 2018:the policy had been applied to over 1,300 global health projects, with the vast majority of these through USAID and CDC, andNGOs declined to accept the policy in 54 instances, totaling $153 million in declined funding – specifically, seven prime awards amounting to $102 million and 47 sub-awards amounting to $51 million (more than two-thirds of sub-awards were intended for Africa) – across USAID and CDC. The Department of State and DoD did not identify any instances where NGOs declined to accept the policy conditions.What have the U.S. Government’s reviews of the policy found?.

The U.S. Government has published two reviews of the policy to date, with the first examining the initial six months of the policy released in February 2018 and the second examining the first 18 months of the policy released in August 2020.First ReviewIn February 2018, the Department of State announced the findings of an initial six-month review of implementation of the policy through the end of FY 2017 (September 2017). The report directed agencies to provide greater support for improving understanding of implementation among affected organizations and provided guidance to clarify terms included in standard provisions of grants and cooperative agreements.

In the six-month review report, the Department of State report identified a number of “actions” for implementing agencies, such as a need for:more central and field-based training and implementation tools,a clearer explanation of termination of awards for NGOs found to be in violation of the policy, anda clarification of “financial support,” which was not defined in the standard provisions (see “What is financial support?. € below).The six month review also identified the number of affected agreements with prime implementing partners and the number of those that have accepted the Mexico City Policy as part of their agreements through September 2017 (see Table 2). U.S.

Agency or DepartmentPolicy Implementation DateOverall # of Grants and Cooperative Agreements with Global Health Assistance FundingOf Overall #:(From the Policy Implementation Date through 9/30/2017)# That Received New Funding and Accepted Policy# That Received New Funding and Declined to Accept Policy^# That Had Not Received New Funding YetUSAIDMay 15, 20175804193158State*May 15, 2017142108034HHS+May 31, 20174991600339DoDMay 15, 20177742134TOTAL12987294565NOTES. * reflects PEPFAR funding implemented through the Department of State. Other departments and agencies implement the majority of PEPFAR funding.

+ At HHS agencies, only certain assistance funding transferred from USAID, State, and DoD are subject to the policy. ^ As of September 30, 2017, USAID reported it was aware of three centrally funded prime partners, and 12 sub-awardee implementing partners, that declined to agree to the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (PLGHA) terms in their awards. DoD reported that one DoD partner, a U.S.

NGO, declined to agree in one country but accepted the PLGHA standard provision in other countries. And HHS reported that no HHS partners declined to agree.SOURCES. KFF analysis of data from Department of State, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Six-Month Review,” report, Feb.

6, 2018, https://www.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-six-month-review/.Second ReviewOn August 17, 2020, the Department of State released its second review of the policy, updating its initial six-month review (as an action item in the six-month review report, the department stated it would “conduct a further review of implementation of the policy by December 15, 2018, when more extensive experience will enable a more thorough examination of the benefits and challenges”). The long-anticipated review, which examines the period from May 2017 through September 2018, found:the awards declined spanned a variety of program areas, including family planning and reproductive health (FP/RH), HIV and AIDS (HIV/AIDS), maternal and child health (MCH), tuberculosis (TB), and nutrition, in addition to cross-cutting awards;the awards declined spanned geographic areas but many were for activities in sub-Saharan Africa;agencies and departments made efforts to transition projects to another implementer in order to minimize disruption. Butnevertheless, among USAID awards involving health service delivery where prime and sub-award recipients declined to accept the policy, gaps or disruptions in service delivery were sometimes reported.The second review also identified the number of affected agreements with prime implementing partners and the number of those that have accepted the Mexico City Policy as part of their agreements through September 2018 (see Table 3).

U.S. Agency or DepartmentPolicy Implementation Date# of Grants and Cooperative Agreements with Global Health Assistance Funding# of Prime Awardees That Declined to Accept Policy^USAIDMay 15, 20174866State*May 15, 20173350HHS+May 31, 20174661DoDMay 15, 2017531TOTAL13408NOTES. * reflects PEPFAR funding implemented through the Department of State.

Other departments and agencies implement the majority of PEPFAR funding. + At HHS agencies, only certain assistance funding transferred from USAID, State, and DoD are subject to the policy. ^ As of September 30, 2018, USAID reported it was aware of six centrally funded prime partners, and 47 sub-awardee implementing partners, that declined to agree to the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (PLGHA) terms in their awards.

DoD reported that one DoD partner, a U.S. NGO, declined to agree in one country but accepted the PLGHA standard provision in other countries. And HHS reported that one HHS partner declined to agree.SOURCES.

KFF analysis of data from Department of State, “Review of the Implementation of the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Policy ,” report, Aug. 17, 2020, https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/PLGHA-2019-Review-Final-8.17.2020-508.pdf, and Department of State, “Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance Six-Month Review,” report, Feb. 6, 2018, https://www.state.gov/protecting-life-in-global-health-assistance-six-month-review/.Additionally, the review reports that 47 sub-awardees, all under USAID awards, declined to accept the policy.

It is important to note that the review also states that information on sub-awards is not systematically collected by departments and agencies and that DoD was not able to collect information on sub-awards.What is “financial support”?. In February 2018, in the initial six-month review issued when Secretary of State Tillerson led the department, the Department of State report included an “action” statement to clarify the definition of “financial support” as used in the standard provisions for grants and cooperative agreements. At issue was whether it applied more narrowly to certain funding provided by foreign NGOs (i.e., funding other than U.S.

Global health funding) to other foreign NGOs specifically for the purpose of performing or actively promoting abortion as a method of family planning or if it applied more broadly to certain funding provided by foreign NGOs to other foreign NGOs for any purpose, if that foreign NGO happened to perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. The State Department clarified that it was the more narrow interpretation.However, on March 26, 2019, Secretary of State Pompeo reversed this interpretation, announcing further “refinements” to the policy to clarify that it applied to the broader definition of financial support. Specifically, under the policy, U.S.-supported foreign NGOs agree to not provide any financial support (global health-related as well as other support), no matter the source of funds, to any other foreign NGO that performs or actively promotes abortion as a method of family planning.

In June 2019, USAID provided additional information to reflect this broader interpretation of the standard provisions.This marks the first time the policy has been applied this broadly, as it can now affect funding provided by other donors (such as other governments and foundations) and non-global health funding provided by the U.S. Government for a wide range of purposes if this funding is first provided to foreign NGOs who have accepted the policy (as recipients of U.S. Global health assistance) that then in turn provide that donor or U.S.

Non global health funding for any purpose to foreign NGOs that perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning. For example, under the prior interpretation, a foreign NGO recipient of U.S. Global health funding could not provide any non-U.S.

Funding to another foreign NGO to perform or actively promote abortion as a method of family planning but could provide funding for other activities, such as education, even if the foreign NGO carried out prohibited activities. Under the broader interpretation, a foreign NGO could not provide any non-U.S. Funding for any activity to a foreign NGO that carried out prohibited activities.

Similarly, while under the prior interpretation a foreign NGO recipient of U.S. Global health funding could provide other U.S. Funding (such as humanitarian assistance) to another foreign NGO for non-prohibited activities, even if the foreign NGO carried out prohibited activities, now under the broader interpretation, it could not do so.What are the next steps in implementing the expanded policy?.

The policy went into effect in May 2017 (see Table 2), although it is applied on a rolling basis, as new funding agreements and modifications to existing agreements occur. While it applies to all grants and cooperative agreements, the Trump administration has indicated that it intends the policy to apply to contracts, which would require a rule-making process (it began this process by publishing a proposed rule in September 2020)..

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S Amrith (2006). Decolonizing international health. India and Southeast Asia, 1930–65. London. Palgrave Macmillan.6.

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10.1177/0304375484010003047. UNDG (2013). A million voices. The world we want. A sustainable future with dignity for all.

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Available from. Https://www.who.int/dg/speeches/detail/transforming-for-impact.9. R. C Keller (2006). Geographies of power, legacies of mistrust.

Colonial medicine in the global present.10. Mishal S Khan et al. (2019). Durrance-Bagale, H. Legido-Quigley "‘LMICs as reservoirs of AMR’.

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These problems persist despite encouraging trends. For example, the field is becoming increasingly multidisciplinary through the involvement of several United Nations agencies alongside WHO in governing AMR, and AMR policy narratives are slowly broadening the hitherto hyper-individualised and behaviour change focus of global action plans. Connor Rochford et al. (2018). "Global governance of antimicrobial resistance." The Lancet no.

391 (10134):1976-1978. Doi. 10.1016/S0140-6736(18)31117-6, WHO, FAO, and OIE (2018). Monitoring global progress on addressing antimicrobial resistance. Analysis report of the second round of results of AMR country self-assessment survey 2018.

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"Biomedicine and the humanities. Growing pains." Medical Humanities no. 44 (4):230-238. Doi. 10.1136/medhum-2018-01148125.

Astrid Treffry-Goatley et al. (2018). Ibid. "Community engagement with HIV drug adherence in rural South Africa. A transdisciplinary approach." 239-246.

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Abingdon. Routledge.27. Angela Ross Perfetti (2018). "Fate and the clinic. A multidisciplinary consideration of fatalism in health behaviour." Medical Humanities no.

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"Seeing illness in art and medicine. A patient and printmaker collaboration." Ibid. No. 42 (3):155-159. Doi.

10.1136/medhum-2015-01083829. Jonatan Wistrand and J Wistrand (2017). "When doctors are patients. A narrative study of help-seeking behaviour among addicted physicians." Ibid. No.

43 (1):19-23. Doi. 10.1136/medhum-2016-01100230. T. R Cole, N.

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"Critical medical humanities. Embracing entanglement, taking risks." Ibid. No. 41 (1):2-7. Doi.

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" In The Edinburgh companion to the critical medical humanities, edited by Whitehead, Woods, Atkinson, Macnaughton and Richards, 377-394. Edinburgh. Edinburgh University Press.38. J Macnaughton and H. Carel (2016).

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"Tuberculosis in the borderlands. Migrants, microbes and more-than-human borders." Palgrave Communications no. 5 (1):31. Doi. 10.1057/s41599-019-0239-443.

R Garden (2014). "Social studies. The humanities, narrative, and the social context of the patient-professional relationship." In Health humanities reader, edited by Jones, Wear, Friedman and Pachucki, 127-137. New Brunswick, NJ. Rutgers University Press.44.

Holman and Borgstrom, Applying social theory to understand health-related behaviours.45. Claas Kirchhelle (2018). "Pharming animals. A global history of antibiotics in food production (1935–2017)." Palgrave Communications no. 4 (96).

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No. 5 (1):45. Doi. 10.1057/s41599-019-0251-847. Sue Walker (2019).

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Geneva. World Health Organization.52. WHO, Antibiotic resistance. Multi-country public awareness survey, 42.53. Gualano, et al.

General population's knowledge and attitudes about antibiotics. A systematic review and meta-analysis.54. Edward A Belongia et al. (2002). "Antibiotic use and upper respiratory s.

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"Inappropriately prescribed and over-the-counter antimicrobials in the Brazilian Amazon Basin. We need to promote more rational use even in remote places." PLoS ONE no. 13 (e0201579). Doi. 10.1371/journal.pone.020157962.

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New York, NY. Springer.65. Chandler, Current accounts of antimicrobial resistance. Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure.66. Chandler, Current accounts of antimicrobial resistance.

Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure.67. Steve Hinchliffe, Andrea Butcher, and Muhammad Meezanur Rahman (2018). "The AMR problem. Demanding economies, biological margins, and co-producing alternative strategies." Ibid. No.

4 (142). Doi. 10.1057/s41599-018-0195-468. Chuengsatiansup and Limsawart, Tuberculosis in the borderlands. Migrants, microbes and more-than-human borders.69.

Khan, et al, ‘LMICs as reservoirs of AMR’. A comparative analysis of policy discourse on antimicrobial resistance with reference to Pakistan.70. Didier Wernli et al. (2017). "Mapping global policy discourse on antimicrobial resistance." BMJ Global Health no.

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A qualitative study." Journal of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy no. 59 (6):1155-1160. Doi. 10.1093/jac/dkm10372. McCullough, et al.

A systematic review of the public's knowledge and beliefs about antibiotic resistance.73. Muri-Gama, et al. Inappropriately prescribed and over-the-counter antimicrobials in the Brazilian Amazon Basin. We need to promote more rational use even in remote places.74. David G Allison et al.

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Deborah Nyirenda et al. (2018). "Public engagement in Malawi through a health-talk radio programme ‘Umoyo nkukambirana’. A mixed-methods evaluation." Public Understanding of Science no. 27 (2):229-242.

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Keymanthri Moodley and Shenuka Singh (2016). "“It’s all about trust”. Reflections of researchers on the complexity and controversy surrounding biobanking in South Africa." BMC Medical Ethics no. 17 (57). Doi.

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K G Sweeney et al. (2001). "A comparison of professionals' and patients' understanding of asthma. Evidence of emerging dualities?. " Ibid.

No. 27 (1):20-25. Doi. 10.1136/mh.27.1.2095. Treffry-Goatley, et al., Community engagement with HIV drug adherence in rural South Africa.

A transdisciplinary approach.96. R. J Hester (2016). "Culture in medicine. An argument against competence." In The Edinburgh companion to the critical medical humanities, edited by Whitehead, Woods, Atkinson, Macnaughton and Richards, 541-558.

Edinburgh. Edinburgh University Press.97. L Jerke, M. Prendergast, and W. Dobson (2018).

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(2016). "Imagination in narrative medicine." Journal of Child Health Care no. 20 (4):419-427. Doi. 10.1177/1367493515625134123.

Treffry-Goatley, et al. Community engagement with HIV drug adherence in rural South Africa. A transdisciplinary approach.124. WHO (2016). World Antibiotic Awareness Week.

2016 campaign toolkit. Geneva. World Health Organization.125. Across the three villages, 67% of the workshop attendees were female and the average age of the attendees was 44 years (range. 18 to 81 years.

Based on subsequently collected survey data).126. Nutcha Charoenboon et al. (2019)127. We thank an anonymous reviewer for highlighting the potential hazards of reproducing hierarchies through methods intended to challenge them in the first place.128. The research was reviewed and approved by the University of Oxford Tropical Research Ethics Committee (Ref.

OxTREC 528-17), and it received local ethical approval in Thailand from the Mae Fah Luang University Research Ethics Committee on Human Research (Ref. REH 60099). The service evaluation of the photo exhibition involved anonymised data collection and received a waiver for ethical approval from the University of Warwick Humanities &. Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee (HSSREC). However, all evaluation form respondents explicitly consented to the data being reported in research publications.129.

Marco J Haenssgen et al. (2018)130. National Statistical Office (2012). The 2010 population and housing census. Changwat Chiang Rai.

Bangkok. National Statistical Office.131. Data on the individual level would entail duplication of observations should both census survey rounds be included. Step-level data were aggregated on the illness level for analysis.132. Claire Charlotte McKechnie (2014).

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(2018). "Beyond the building blocks. Integrating community roles into health systems frameworks to achieve health for all." BMJ Global Health no. 3 (Suppl. 3):e001384.

Doi. 10.1136/bmjgh-2018-001384136. Sudhinaraset, et al. What is the role of informal healthcare providers in developing countries?. A systematic review.137.

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Marco Haenssgen et al. (2018)145. WHO, World Antibiotic Awareness Week. 2016 campaign toolkit.146. The questionnaire did so by showing all survey respondents three images of common antibiotic capsules being used in Chiang Rai (green-blue.

Amoxicillin. Red-black. Cloxacillin. White-blue. Azithromycin—see questionnaire page 10 in the online supplementary material).

Respondents were asked to name what they saw, and all their answers were recorded (field-coded and as free text).147. The ‘desirability’ of the responses was field coded by the survey team. Sample responses (as instructed through the survey manual) for ‘desirable’ answers included, for example, “Only if the doctor says that I should”. Sample responses for ‘undesirable’ answers included “Yes, you can buy it in the shop over there!. € The variable should be interpreted as ‘the fraction of respondents who uttered a ‘desirable’ response’—the inverse is the fraction of responses that could not be deemed ‘desirable’ (eg, ‘do not know’ or ‘no opinion’).148.

Because recalled descriptions of medicine tend to be ambiguous, we limited our analysis to medicines where we had a high degree of certainty that they were an antibiotic. This was specifically the case if survey respondents mentioned common antibiotic descriptions such as ‘anti-inflammatory’, ‘amoxi’ or ‘colem’, if they indicated explicitly that they know what ‘anti-inflammatory medicine’ is (noting that the term describes antibiotics unambiguously in Thai), and if they subsequently mentioned any of the previously mentioned antibiotics during their description of an illness episode (conversely, we excluded cases were the medicine could not be confirmed as either antibiotic or non-antibiotic, including descriptions like ‘white powder’ or ‘green capsule’).149. Aristotle (1954). Rhetoric. Translated by Roberts.

New York, NY. Modern Library. Original edition, 350 BC.150. Arya Nielsen et al. (2007).

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Doi. 10.2471/BLT.12.105445152. C Muksong and K. Chuengsatiansup (2020). Forthcoming.

"Medicine and public health in Thai historiography. From an elitist view to counter-hegemonic discourse." In Health, pluralism and globalisation. A modern history of medicine in South-East Asia, edited by Monnais and Cook. London. The Wellcome Trust Centre for the History.153.

L Sringernyuang (2000). Availability and use of medicines in rural Thailand. Amsterdam. Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research.154. Although this was not the focus of the current paper, we note for full disclosure that the workshops, too, had mixed behavioural impacts.

The poster making sessions in Chiang Rai demonstrated for instance how our conversations about drug resistance and the introduction of messages from the World Health Organization entailed at times problematic interpretations like, “You shouldn’t take medicines that you have never seen before”—the research team responded to such interpretations directly in order to avoid misunderstandings. In addition, previous behavioural analyses documented that, while workshop participants demonstrated higher levels of awareness of drug resistance, alignment of antibiotic use with global health recommendations was mixed, and in one case, a villager started selling antibiotics after the workshop. For more details on the behavioural analysis, see Nutcha Charoenboon et al. (2019) and Marco Haenssgen et al. (2018).155.

For example, Redfern, et al., Spreading the message of antimicrobial resistance. A detailed account of a successful public engagement event.156. Antoine Boivin et al. (2018). 2018.

"Patient and public engagement in research and health system decision making. A systematic review of evaluation tools (epub ahead of print)." Health Expectations. Doi. 10.1111/hex.12804157. Staniszewska, et al.

GRIPP2 reporting checklists. Tools to improve reporting of patient and public involvement in research.158. Jerke, et al. Smoking cessation in mental health communities. A living newspaper applied theatre project.159.

Switzer, What’s in an image?. Towards a critical and interdisciplinary reading of participatory visual methods.160. R. C Barfield and L. Selman (2014).

"Health and humanities. Spirituality and religion." In Health humanities reader, edited by Jones, Wear, Friedman and Pachucki, 376-386. New Brunswick, NJ. Rutgers University Press.161. Abimbola, Beyond positive a priori bias.

Reframing community engagement in LMICs (epub ahead of print), 1.162. Marco J Haenssgen et al. (2019)163. Marc Mendelson et al. (2017).

"Antibiotic resistance has a language problem." Nature no. 545 (7652):23-25. Doi. 10.1038/545023a164. Haak and Radyowijati, Determinants of antimicrobial use.

Poorly understood, poorly researched.165. S Harbarth and D. L. Monnet (2008). "Cultural and socioeconomic determinants of antibiotic use." In Antibiotic Policies.

Fighting Resistance, edited by Gould and van der Meer, 29-40. Boston, MA. Springer.166. K Sirijoti, P. Havanond Hongsranagon, and W.

Pannoi (2014). "Assessment of knowledge attitudes and practices regarding antibiotic use in Trang province, Thailand." Journal of Health Research no. 28 (5):299-307.167. Ramona K C Finnie et al. (2011).

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Haak and Radyowijati, Determinants of antimicrobial use. Poorly understood, poorly researched.169. Chandler, Current accounts of antimicrobial resistance. Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure, 5.170. S Willson and K.

Miller (2014). "Data collection." In Cognitive interviewing methodology. A sociological approach for survey question evaluation, edited by Miller, Willson, Chepp and Padilla, 15-34. Hoboken, NJ. Wiley.171.

See Linda Mayoux and Robert Chambers (2005). "Reversing the paradigm. Quantification, participatory methods and pro-poor impact assessment." Journal of International Development no. 17 (2):271-298. Doi.

10.1002/jid.1214172. Howard S. Becker (1995). "Visual sociology, documentary photography, and photojournalism. It's (almost) all a matter of context." Visual Sociology no.

10 (1-2):5-14. Doi. 10.1080/14725869508583745173. J Prosser and D. Schwartz (2005).

"Photographs and the sociological research process." In Image-based research. A sourcebook for qualitative researchers, edited by Prosser, 101-115. London. Falmer.174. Treffry-Goatley, et al.

Community engagement with HIV drug adherence in rural South Africa. A transdisciplinary approach.175. Switzer, What’s in an image?. Towards a critical and interdisciplinary reading of participatory visual methods.176. Hume, et al.

Biomedicine and the humanities. Growing pains.177. Jordanova, Medicine and the visual arts, 60.178. Bleakley, Towards a 'critical medical humanities'.179. Nutcha Charoenboon et al.

(2019)180. Hume, et al. Biomedicine and the humanities. Growing pains.181. J.

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Springer.182. Marco J Haenssgen (2019)183. Michael Etherton and Tim Prentki (2006). "Drama for change?. Prove it!.

Impact assessment in applied theatre." Research in Drama Education. The Journal of Applied Theatre and Performance no. 11 (2):139-155. Doi. 10.1080/13569780600670718184.

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10.1177/1468794112446104IntroductionIn Australia, the USA and the UK, the number of hospital beds required for forensic mental health treatment doubled between 1996 and 2016.1 Current trends and future predictions suggest this demand will continue to grow. But, in an age where evidence-based practice is highly valued, the demand for new facilities already outpaces the availability of credible evidence to guide designers. This article reports findings from a desktop survey of current design practice across 31 psychiatric hospitals (24 forensic, 7 non-forensic) constructed or scheduled for completion between 2006 and 2022. Desktop surveys, as a form of research, are heavily relied on in architectural practice. Photographs and architectural drawings are analysed to understand both typical and innovative approaches to designing a particular building type.

While desktop surveys are sometimes supplemented by visits to exemplar projects (which might also be termed ‘fieldwork’), time pressures and budgetary constraints often preclude this. As the result of an academic–industry partnership, the research reported herein embraced practice-based research methods in conjunction with an academic approach. The data set available for the desktop survey was rich but incomplete. Security requirements restrict the public availability of complete floor plans and postoccupancy evaluations. To mitigate these limitations, knowledge was integrated from other disciplines, including environmental psychology, architectural history and professional practice.

With regard to the latter, knowledge is specifically around the design and consultation processes that guide the construction of these facilities. This knowledge was used to identify three contemporary hospitals that challenge accepted design practice and, we argue, in doing so have the potential to act as change-agents in the delivery of forensic mental healthcare. We define innovation as variation/s to common, or typical, architectural solutions that can positively improve patients’2 experience of these facilities in ways that directly support one, or a number, of key values underpinning forensic mental healthcare. While this article does not provide postoccupancy data to quantify the value of these innovations, we hope to encourage both designers and researchers to more closely consider these projects—particularly the way that spaces have been designed to benefit patient well-being—and the questions these designs raise for the future of forensic mental healthcare delivery.Now regarded as naïve is the 19th-century belief that architecture and landscape, if appropriately designed, can restore sanity.3 Yet contemporary research from the field of evidence-based design confirms that the built environment does play a role in the therapeutic process, even if that role does not determine therapeutic outcomes.4 Research regarding the design of forensic mental healthcare facilities remains limited. An article by Ulrich et al recommended that to reduce aggression patients should be accommodated in single rooms.

Communal areas should have movable furniture. Wards should be designed for low social densities. And accessible gardens should be provided.5 An earlier study by Tyson et al showed that lower ward densities can also positively improve patient–staff interactions.6 Commonly, however, the studies referenced above compared older-style mental health units with their contemporary replacements.7 There is little comparative research available that examines contemporary facilities for forensic mental healthcare, with the exception of one article that provided a comparative analysis of nine Swedish facilities, designed between 1990 and 2008.8 However, this article merely described the design aspirations and physical composition of each hospital without investigating the link between design aspiration, patient well-being and the resulting physical environment.There are two further limitations to evidence-based design research. The first is the extent to which data do not provide directly applicable design tactics. Systematic literature reviews typically provide a set of design recommendations but without suggesting to designers what the corresponding physical design tactics to achieve those recommendations might actually be.9 This is consistent for general hospital design.

For example, architects have been advised to provide spaces that are ‘psychosocially supportive’ since 2000, yet it was 2016 before a spatially focused definition of this term was provided, offering designers a more tangible understanding of what they should be aiming for.10 The second limitation is the breadth of research currently available. While rigorous and valuable, evidence-based design often overlooks the fact that architects must design across scales, from the master-planning scale—deciding where to place buildings of various functions within a site, and how to manage the safe movement of staff and patients between those buildings—to the scale of a bathroom door. How do you design a bathroom door to meet antiligature and surveillance requirements, to maintain patient safety, while still communicating dignity and respect for patients?. The available literature provides much to contemplate, but in terms of credible evidence much of this research is based on a single study, typically conducted within a single hospital context and often focused on a single aspect of design. This raises the question, is there really a compelling basis for regarding evidence-based design knowledge as more credible than knowledge generated about this building type from other disciplines?.

In light of the small amount of evidence available in this field, is there not a responsibility to use all the available knowledge?. While the discipline of evidence-based design has existed for three decades,11 purpose-designed buildings for the treatment of mental illness have been constructed for over three centuries. Researchers working within the field of architectural history also understand that patient experience is partially determined—for better or worse—by the decisions that designers make, and that models of care have been used to drive design outcomes since the establishment of the York Retreat in 1796. With their focus on moral treatment, the York Retreat influenced a shift in the way asylum design was approached, from the provision of safe custody to finding architectural solutions to support the restoration of sanity.12 Architectural historians also bring evidence to bear in respect of this design challenge, specifically knowledge of how the best architectural intentions can result in unanticipated (sometimes devastating) outcomes—and of the conditions that gave rise to those outcomes.13 There is a third, rich source of knowledge available to guide designers that, broadly speaking, academic researchers have yet to tap into. It is the knowledge produced by practitioners themselves.

Architects learn through experience, across multiple projects and through practice-based forms of enquiry that include desktop surveys (also referred to as precedent studies), user group consultations and gathering (often informal) postoccupancy data from their clients. Architects have already offered a range of tangible solutions to meet particular aspirations related to patient care. There is value in examining these existing design solutions to identify those capable of providing direct benefits to patients that might justify implementation across multiple projects. In understanding how the physical design of forensic psychiatric hospitals can best support the therapeutic journey of patients, all available knowledge should be valued and integrated.Methodology. Embracing ‘mode two’ researchThis research was conducted within the context of a master­-planning and feasibility study, commissioned by a state government department, to investigate various international design solutions to inform future planning around forensic mental health service provisions in Victoria, Australia.

The industry-led nature of this project demanded a less conventional and more inclusive methodological approach. Tight timeframes precluded employing research methods that required ethics approvals (interviewing patients was not possible), while the timeframe and budget precluded the research team from conducting fieldwork. The following obstacles further limited a conventional approach:Postoccupancy evaluations of forensic psychiatric hospital facilities are seldom conducted and/or not made publicly available.14Published floor plans that would enable researchers to derive an understanding of the functional layouts and corresponding habits of occupancy within these facilities are limited owing to the security needs surrounding forensic psychiatric hospital sites.Available literature relevant to the design of forensic psychiatric hospital facilities provides few direct architectural recommendations to offer tactics for how the built environment might support the delivery of treatment.The team had to find a way to navigate these challenges in order to address the important question of how the physical design of forensic psychiatric hospitals can best support the therapeutic journey of patients.‘Mode two’ is a methodological approach that draws on the strength of collaborations between academia and industry to produce ‘socially robust knowledge’ whose reliability extends ‘beyond the laboratory’ to real-world contexts.15 It shares commonalities with a phenomenological approach that attributes value to the prolonged, firsthand exposure of the researcher with the phenomenon in question.16 The inclusion of practising architects and academic researchers within the research team provided considerable expertise in the design, consultation and documentation of these facilities, alongside an understanding of the kinds of challenges that arise following the occupation of this building type. Mode two, as a research approach, also recognises that, while architects reference evidence-based design literature, this will not replace the processes through which practitioners have traditionally assembled knowledge about particular building types, predominantly desktop surveys.A desktop survey was undertaken to understand contemporary design practice within this building type. Forty-four projects were identified as relevant for the period 2006–2022 (31 forensic and 13 non-forensic psychiatric hospitals).

These included facilities from the UK, the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the United Arab Emirates and Ireland (online supplementary appendix 1). Sufficient architectural information was not available for 13 of these projects and they were excluded from the study. For the remaining 31 facilities, 24 accommodated forensic patients and 7 did not. Non-forensic facilities were included to enable an awareness of any significant programmatic or functional differences in the design responses created for forensic versus non-forensic mental health patients. Architectural drawings and photographs were analysed to identify general trends, alongside points of departure from common practice.

Borrowing methods from architectural history, the desktop survey was supplemented by other available information, including a mix of hospital-authored guidebooks (as provided to patients and visitors), architects’ statements, newspaper articles and literature from the field of evidence-based design. Available data varied for each of the 31 hospitals. Adopting a method from architectural theorist Thomas Markus, the materiality and placement of external and internal boundary lines were closely studied (assisted by Google Earth).17 When read in conjunction with the architectural drawings, boundary placement revealed information regarding patient access to adjacent landscape spaces.Supplemental materialA desktop survey has limitations. It cannot provide a conclusive understanding of how these spaces operate when occupied by patients and staff. While efforts were made to contact individual practices and healthcare providers to obtain missing details, such requests typically went unanswered.

This is likely owing to concerns of security, alongside the realities of commercial practice, concerns around intellectual property, and complex client and stakeholder arrangements that can act to prohibit the sharing of this information. To deepen the team’s understanding, a 2-day workshop was hosted to which two international architectural practices were invited to attend, one from the UK and one from the USA. Both practices had recently completed a significant forensic psychiatric hospital project. While neither of these facilities had been occupied at the time of the workshops, the architects were able to share their experiences relative to the research, design, and client and patient consultation processes undertaken. The Australian architects who led the research team also brought extensive experience in acute mental healthcare settings, which assisted in data analysis.To further mitigate the limitations of the desktop survey, understandings developed by the team were used as a basis for advisory panel discussions with staff.

Feedback was sought from five 60 min long, advisory panel sessions, each including four to six clinical/facilities staff (who attended voluntarily during work hours) from a forensic psychiatric hospital in Australia, where several participants recounted professional experience in both the Australian and British contexts. Each advisory panel session was themed relative to various aspects of contemporary design. (1) site/hospital layout, (2) inpatient accommodation, (3) landscape design and access, (4) staff amenities, and (5) treatment hubs (referred to as ‘treatment malls’ in the American context). These sessions enabled the research team to double-check our analysis of the plans and photographs, particularly our assumptions regarding the likely use, practicality and therapeutic value of particular spaces.Model for analysisWithin general hospital design, a range of indicators are used to measure the contribution of architecture to healing, such as the optimisation of lighting to support sleep, the minimisation of patient falls, or whether the use of single patient rooms assists with control.18 In mental health, however, where the therapeutic journey is based more on psychology than physiology, what metrics should be employed to evaluate the success of one design response over another in supporting patient care?. We suggest the first step is to acknowledge the values that underpin contemporary approaches to mental healthcare.

The second step is to translate those treatment values into corresponding spatial values using a value-led spatial framework.19 This provides a checklist for relating particular spatial conditions to specific values around patient care. For example, if the design intent is to optimise privacy and dignity for patients, then the design of bathrooms, relaxation and de-esculation spaces are all important spaces in respect of that therapeutic value. Highlighting this relationship can assist decision makers to more closely interrogate areas that matter most relative to achieving these values. To put this in context, optimising a bathroom design to prioritise a direct line of sight for staff might improve safety but also obstruct privacy and dignity for patients. While such decisions will always need to be carefully balanced, a value-led spatial framework can provide a touchstone for designers and stakeholders to revisit throughout the design process.To analyse the 31 projects examined within this project, we developed a framework (Table 1).

It recognises that a common approach to patient care can be identified across contemporary Australian, British and Canadian models:View this table:Table 1 Value-led spatial framework. Correlating treatment values with corresponding spaces within the hospital’s physical environmentThat patients be extended privacy and dignity to the broadest degree possible without impacting their personal safety or that of other patients or staff.That patients be treated within the least restrictive environment possible relative to the severity of their illness and the legal (or security) requirements attached to their care.That patients be afforded choice and independence relative to freedom of movement within the hospital campus (as appropriate to the individual), extending to a choice of social, recreational and treatment spaces.That patients’ progression through their treatment journey is reflected in the way the architecture communicates to hospital users.That opportunities for peer-led therapeutic processes and involvement of family and community-based care providers be optimised within a hospital campus. 20Table 1 assigns a range of architectural spaces and features that are relevant to each of the five treatment values listed. Architectural decisions related to these values operate across three scales. Context, hospital and individual.

Context decisions are those made in respect of a hospital’s location, including proximity to allied services, connections to public transport and distances to major metropolitan hubs. Decisions of this type are important relative to staffing recruitment and retention, and opportunities for research relative to the psychiatric hospital’s proximity to general (teaching) hospitals or university precincts. Architectural decisions operating at the hospital scale include considerations of how secure site boundaries are provided. How buildings are laid out on a site. And how spatial and functional links are set up between those buildings.

This is important relative to the movement of patients and staff across a site, including the location and functionality of therapeutic hubs. But it can also impact patient and community psychology. The design of external fences, in particular, can compound feelings of confinement for patients. Focus community attention on the custodial role of a facility over and above its therapeutic function. And influence perceptions of safety and security for the community immediately surrounding the hospital.

Architectural decisions operating at the ‘individual’ scale are those that more closely impact the daily experience of a hospital for patients and staff. These include the various arrangements for inpatient accommodation. Tactics for providing patients with landscape access and views. And the question of staff spaces relative to safety, ease of communication and collaboration. Approaches to landscape, inpatient accommodation and concerns of staff supervision are closely intertwined.Findings.

What we learnt from 31 contemporary psychiatric hospital projectsForensic psychiatric hospitals treat patients who require mental health treatment in addition to a history of criminal offending or who are at risk of committing a criminal offence. Primarily, these include patients who are unfit to stand trial and those found not guilty on account of their illness.21 Accommodation is typically arranged according to low, medium or high security needs, alongside clinical need, and whether an acute, subacute, extended or translational rehabilitation setting is required. Security needs are determined based on the risk a patient presents to themselves and/or others, alongside their risk of absconding from the facility. The challenge that has proven intractable for centuries is how can architects balance privacy and dignity for patients, while maintaining supervision for their own safety, alongside that of their fellow patients, the staff providing care and, in some cases, the community beyond.22 In this section we present overall trends regarding the layout of buildings within hospital sites, including the placement of treatment hubs and the design of inpatient wards. Access to landscape is not explicitly addressed in this section but is implicit in decisions around site layout and inpatient accommodation.Design approaches to site layoutWe identified two approaches to site layout—the ‘village’ (4 from 31 hospitals) and the ‘campus’ (27 from 31 hospitals) (figure 1).

Similar in their functional arrangement, these are differentiated according to the degree of exterior circulation required to move between patient-occupied spaces. Village hospitals comprise a number of buildings sitting within the landscape, while campus hospitals have interconnected buildings with access provided by internal corridors that prevent the need to go outside. Neither approach is new. Both follow the models first used within the 19th century. The village hospital follows the model designed by Dr Albrecht Paetz in 1878 (Alt Scherbitz, Germany), which included detached cottages accommodating patients in groups of between 24 and 100, set within gardens.23 Paetz created this design in response to his belief that upwards of 1000 patients should not be accommodated in a single building, with security measures determined in relation to those patients whose behaviour was the least predictable.24 The resulting monotony of the daily routine and restrictions on patient movement were believed to ‘cripple the intelligence and depress the spirit’.25 Paetz’s model allowed doctors to classify patients into smaller groups and unlock doors to allow patients with predictable behaviour to wander freely within the secure outer boundaries of the hospital.26 This remained the preferred approach to patient accommodation for over a century, as endorsed by the WHO in their report of 1953.27 Broadmoor Hospital (UK, 2019) provides an example of the village model.The Broadmoor Hospital (left) follows a ‘village’ arrangement and includes an ‘internal’ treatment hub.

The Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (right) follows a ‘campus’ arrangement and includes an ‘on-edge’ treatment hub." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 1 The Broadmoor Hospital (left) follows a ‘village’ arrangement and includes an ‘internal’ treatment hub. The Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (right) follows a ‘campus’ arrangement and includes an ‘on-edge’ treatment hub.The campus model is not dissimilar to the approach propagated by Dr Henry Thomas Kirkbride, a 19th-century psychiatrist who was active in the design of asylums and whose influence saw this planning arrangement dominate asylum constructions in the USA for many decades.28 Asylums of the ‘Kirkbride plan’ arranged patient accommodation in a series of pavilions linked by corridors. While corridors can be heavily glazed, where this action is not taken, the campus approach can compromise patient and staff connections to landscape views. Examples of campus hospitals include the Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (USA, 2012) and the Nixon Forensic Center (USA, under construction).Treatment hubs are a contemporary addition to forensic psychiatric hospitals. These cluster a range of shared patient spaces, including recreational, treatment and vocational training facilities, and thus drive patient movement around or through a hospital site.

Two different treatment hub arrangements are in use. €˜internal’ and ‘on-edge’. Those arranged internally typically place these functions at the heart of the campus and at a significant distance from the secure boundary line. Those arranged on-edge are placed at the far end of campus-model hospitals and, in the most extreme cases, occur adjacent to one of the site’s external boundaries (refer to Figure 1). Both arrangements aspire to make life within the hospital resemble life beyond the hospital as closely as possible, as the daily practice of walking from an accommodation area to a treatment hub mimics the practice of travelling from home to a place of work or study.With evidence mounting regarding the psychological benefits to patients of landscape access, it should not be assumed that the current preference for campus hospitals over the village model indicates ‘best practice’.

A campus arrangement offers security benefits for the movement of patients across a hospital site, while avoiding the associated risks of contraband concealed within landscaped spaces. However, the existence of village hospitals for forensic cohorts suggests it is possible to successfully manage these challenges. Why then do we see such a strong persistence of the campus hospital?. This preference may be driven by cultural expectations. From 24 forensic psychiatric hospitals surveyed, 10 were located within the USA and all employed the campus model.

Yet nine of those hospitals occupied rural sites where the village model could have been used, suggesting the influence of the Kirkbride plan prevails. The four village hospitals within the broader sample of 31, spanning forensic and non-forensic settings, all occurred within the UK3 and Ireland1. Paetz’s villa model had been the preferred approach to new constructions in these countries since its introduction at close of the 19th century.29 However, a look at UK hospitals in isolation revealed a more even spread of village and campus arrangements, with two of the four UK-based campus hospitals occupying constrained urban sites that required multi-story solutions. The village model would be inappropriate for achieving this as it does not lend well to urban locations where land availability is scarce.Design approaches to inpatient accommodationThree approaches to inpatient accommodation were identified. €˜peninsula’, ‘race-track’ and ‘courtyard’ (Figure 2).

The peninsula model is characterised by rows of inpatient wings, along a single-loaded or double-loaded corridor that stretches into the surrounding landscape. This typically enables an exterior view from all patient bedrooms and is not dissimilar to the traditional ‘pavilion’ model that emerged within 19th-century hospital design.30 In the racetrack model bedrooms are arranged around a cluster of staff-only (or service) spaces, still enabling exterior views from all patient bedrooms. The courtyard model is similar to the racetrack but includes a central landscape space. Information on the design of inpatient room layouts was available for 24 of the 31 projects analysed (15 of these 24 were forensic).Common inpatient accommodation configurations. (1) Peninsula.

Single-loaded version shown (patient rooms on one side only. Double-loaded versions have patient rooms on two sides of the corridor). (2) racetrack and (3) courtyard (landscaped). Staff-occupied spaces and support spaces (social space and so on) shown in grey." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 2 Common inpatient accommodation configurations. (1) Peninsula.

Single-loaded version shown (patient rooms on one side only. Double-loaded versions have patient rooms on two sides of the corridor). (2) racetrack and (3) courtyard (landscaped). Staff-occupied spaces and support spaces (social space and so on) shown in grey.Ten forensic hospitals employed a peninsula plan and five employed a courtyard plan. Of the non-forensic psychiatric hospitals five employed the courtyard, three the racetrack and only one the peninsula plan.

While the sample size is too small to generalise, the peninsula plan appears to be favoured for a forensic cohort. However, cultural trends again emerge. Of the 10 peninsula plan hospitals, 6 were located within the USA, and among the broader sample of 24 (including the non-forensic facilities) none of the courtyard hospitals were located there. Courtyard layouts for forensic patients occurred within the UK, Ireland, Denmark and Sweden. However, within these countries, a mix of courtyard and peninsula plans were used, suggesting no clear preference for one plan over the other.Each plan type has advantages and disadvantages (Table 2).

Courtyard accommodation provides the following benefits. Greater opportunity for patient access to landscape since these are easier for staff to maintain surveillance over. Additional safety for staff owing to continuous circulation (staff cannot get caught in ‘dead-ends’. However, the presence of corners which are difficult to see around is a drawback). Natural light is more easily available.

And ‘swing bedrooms’ can be supported (this is the ability to reconfigure the number of observable bedrooms on a nursing ward by opening and closing doors at different points within a corridor). However, courtyard accommodation requires a larger site area so is better suited to rural locations than urban and is not well suited to multi-story facilities. Peninsula accommodation enables geographical separation, giving medical teams greater opportunity to manage which patients are housed together (‘cohorting’). Blind corners can be avoided to assist safety and surveillance. Travel distances can be minimised.

Finally, the absence of continuous circulation provides greater flexibility for creating social spaces for patients with graduated degrees of (semi-)privacy.View this table:Table 2 Advantages and disadvantages of peninsula versus courtyard accommodationAnother important consideration related to inpatient accommodation is ward size. The number of bedrooms clustered together, alongside the amount of dedicated living space associated with these bedrooms. Ward size can influence patient agitation and aggression, alongside ease of supervision, staff anxiety and safety.31 The most common ward sizes were 24 or 32 beds, further subdivided into subclusters of 8 beds. Typically, each ward was provided with one large living space that all 24 or 32 patients used together. More advanced approaches gave patients a choice of living spaces.

For example, at Coalinga Hospital, patients could occupy a small living space available to only 8 patients, or a larger space that all 24 patients had access to. We describe this approach as more advanced since both 19th-century understandings alongside recent research by Ulrich et al confirm that social density (the number of persons per room) is ‘the most consistently important variable for predicting crowding stress and aggressive behaviour’.32 Only six hospitals had plans detailed enough to calculate the square-metre provision of living space per patient, and this varied between 5 and 8 square metres.Limitations of the desktop surveyData from a desktop survey are insufficient to obtain a comprehensive understanding of how design contributes to patient experience. To overcome this limitation, the following sections combine knowledge about how people use space from environmental psychology, knowledge about the design and consultation processes that guide the construction of these facilities, and understandings from architectural history. History suggests that seemingly small changes to typical design practice can effect significant change in the delivery of mental healthcare, the daily experience of hospitalised patients and more broadly public perceptions of mental illness. This integrated approach is used to identify three forensic psychiatric hospitals that challenge accepted design practice to varying degrees and, in doing so, have the potential to act as change-agents in the delivery of forensic mental healthcare.

But first it is important to understand the context in which architectural innovation is able, or unable, to emerge relative to forensic mental healthcare.Accepting the challenge. Using history to help us see beyond the roadblocks to innovationArchitects tasked with designing forensic mental health facilities respond to what is called a ‘functional brief’. This documents the specific performance requirements of the hospital in question. Much consultation goes into formulating and refining a functional brief through the initial and developed design stages. Consultation is typically undertaken with a variety of different user groups, and in a sequential fashion that includes a greater cross-section of users as the design progresses, including patients, families, and clinical and security staff.

Despite the focus on patient experience within contemporary models of care, functional briefs tend to prioritise safety and security, making them the basis on which most major architectural decisions are made.33 In large part this is simply the reality of accommodating a patient cohort who pose a risk of harm towards themselves and/or others. A comment from Tom Brooks-Pilling, a member of the design team for the Nixon Forensic Center (Fulton, Missouri), provides insight into this approach and the concerns that drive it. He explained that borrowing a ‘spoked wheel’ arrangement from prison design eliminated blind spots and hiding places to enable a centrally located staff member to:see everything that’s going on in that unit…[they are] basically watching the other staff’s back [sic] to make sure that they can focus on treatment and not worry about who might be sneaking up on them or what activities might be going on behind their backs.34Advisory panel feedback confirmed that when the architectural design of a facility heightens staff anxiety this has direct ramifications for the therapeutic process. For example, in spaces where staff could become isolated from one another, and where clear lines of sight were obstructed, such as ill-designed elevators or stairwells, this can lead to movement being reduced across the patient cohort to avoid putting staff in those spaces where they feel unsafe.The architects consulted during the course of this research, including those who were part of the research team, articulated how the necessary prioritisation of safety, in turn, leads to compromises in the attainment of an ideal environment to support treatment. In the various forensic and acute psychiatric hospital projects they had been involved with, all observed a sincere commitment on the part of those engaged in project briefing to upholding ideals around privacy, dignity, autonomy and freedom of movement for patients.

They reported, however, that the commitment to these ideals was increasingly obstructed as the design process progressed by the more pressing concerns of safety. Examples of the kinds of architectural implications of this prioritisation are things like spatially separated nursing stations (enclosed, often fully glazed), when a desire for less-hierarchical interactions between patients and staff had been expressed at the beginning of the briefing process. Or the substitution of harder-wearing materials, with a more ‘institutional’ feel when a ‘home-like’ atmosphere had been prioritised initially. There is nothing surprising or unusual about this process since design is, by its nature, a process of seeking improvements on accepted practice while systematically checking the suitability of proposed solutions against a set of performance requirements. In the context of forensic psychiatric hospitals, safety is the performance requirement that most often frustrates the implementation of innovative design.

Thus, amid the complexities of design and procurement relative to forensic psychiatric hospitals, innovation, however humble, and particularly where it can be seen to contribute positively to the patient experience, is worth a closer look.In the historical development of the psychiatric hospital as a building type, two significant departures from accepted design practice facilitated positive change in the treatment of mental illness. The first was Paetz’s development of the village hospital which sought to replace high fences, locked doors and barred windows with ‘humane but stringent supervision’.35 While this planning approach may not have significantly altered models of care, it was regarded as ‘an essential, vital development’, providing architectural support to the prevailing approach to treatment of the time—that of moral treatment—which aimed to extend kindness and respect to patients, in an environment that was as unrestrictive as possible. The York Retreat is worthy of acknowledgement here as a leading proponent of moral treatment whose influence shifted approaches to asylum design, from focusing on the provision of safe custody to supporting the restoration of sanity. Architecturally, however, the differences in the York Retreat’s approach were mainly focused on interior details that encouraged patients to maintain civil habits. Dining rooms had white tablecloths and flower vases adorned mantelpieces, door locks were custom-made to close quietly, and window bars fashioned to look like domestic window frames.36 The York Retreat was originally a small institution, in line with Samuel Tuke’s preference for a maximum asylum size of 30 patients.

History confirms the extent to which this approach was not scalable and thus unable to be replicated widely for asylum construction. For these reasons, it has not been considered here as a significant departure from accepted design practice.The second significant departure from accepted design practice was the development of acute treatment hospitals, located within cities, adjacent to general hospitals and medical research facilities. The first hospital of this type was the Maudsley Hospital, led by doctors Henry Maudsley and Frederick Mott, in London. The design intent for this hospital was announced in 1908 but it was not opened until 1923.37 In proposing this hospital, Maudsley and Mott were motivated to bring psychiatry ‘into line with the other branches of medical science’.38 This 100-bed facility, located directly across the road from the King’s College (Teaching) Hospital, emulated the general hospital typology in offering both outpatient and short-duration inpatient care, specifically targeted at patients with recent-onset illnesses. The aspirations were threefold.

To avoid the stigma associated with large public asylums. To advance the medical understanding of mental illness through research collaborations with general hospitals and medical schools and via improved teaching programmes. And to both enable and encourage patients to access early, voluntary treatment on an outpatient basis.38 Today the Maudsley appears unremarkable, an unassuming three-storied building on a busy London street. But the significance of what this building communicated at the time it was constructed, and the extent to which it challenged accepted practice, should not be underestimated. The Maudsley sent a clear message to the public that mental illness was no longer to be regarded as different from any other illness treated within a general hospital setting.

That it was no longer okay to isolate those suffering from mental illness from their families or the neighbourhoods in which they lived.39 Following the announcement of the Maudsley, the ‘psychopathic hospital’ rose to prominence within the USA with Johns Hopkins University Hospital opening the Phipps Psychiatric Clinic, in Baltimore, in 1913. The psychopathic hospital similarly promoted urban locations and closer connections to teaching and research. The Maudsley can be seen to have played a significant role in the shift to treating acute mental illness within general hospital settings.In any discussion of the history of institutional care, there is a responsibility to acknowledge that the aspiration to provide buildings that support care and recovery have not always manifested in ways that improved daily life for patients. The five treatment values that underpinned the analysis framework for this project are not new values. The extension of privacy and dignity to patients and the delivery of care within the least restrictive environment possible were both firmly embedded in the 19th-century approach of moral treatment.

Yet the rapid growth of asylum care frustrated the delivery of those values to patients.40 Choice and independence for patients, the desire for a patient’s recovery progress to be reflected in their environment, and opportunities for peer support and family involvement have been present in approaches to mental health treatment since the formal endorsement of the ‘therapeutic community’ approach to hospital construction and administration in the WHO’s report of 1953.41 History reminds us, therefore, that differences can arise between the stated values on which an institution is designed and those which it is constructed and operated. The three hospitals discussed in the following section include innovative solutions that hold the promise of positive benefits for patients. Yet we acknowledge this a theoretical analysis. For concrete evidence of a positive relationship between these design outcomes and patient well-being, postoccupancy evaluations are required.Three hospitals contributing to positive change in forensic mental healthcareBroadmoor Hospital. Optimising the value of the village model for patientsNineteenth-century beliefs and contemporary research are in accord regarding the importance of greenspace in reducing agitation within forensic psychiatric hospital environments and in promoting positive patterns of socialisation.42 It is surprising, therefore, that enshrining daily landscape access for patients is not widespread within current design practice.

The Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital and the State Hospital at Carstairs (Scotland) both follow the model of the village hospital, but only in that they comprise a number of accommodation buildings set within the landscape, enclosed by an external boundary fence. At the Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital, the scale of the landscape—the distance between buildings and the lack of intermediate boundaries within the landscape—suggests it is highly unlikely that patients are allowed to navigate this landscape on a regular basis. By comparison, the architectural response developed for Broadmoor Hospital (2019) shows an exemplary commitment to patient views and access to landscape (Figure 3).Likely extent of landscape occupation by patients as indicated by the position of inner and outer secure boundary lines. (1) Broadmoor Hospital (rural site, UK), (2) Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital (rural site) and (3) Roseberry Hospital (suburban site, UK)." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 3 Likely extent of landscape occupation by patients as indicated by the position of inner and outer secure boundary lines. (1) Broadmoor Hospital (rural site, UK), (2) Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital (rural site) and (3) Roseberry Hospital (suburban site, UK).Five contemporary hospitals follow the logic of a traditional villa hospital, yet Broadmoor is the only one that optimises the benefits offered by this spatial configuration.

Comprising a gateway building and a central treatment hub, with a series of patient accommodation buildings positioned around it, the landscape becomes the only available circulation route for patients travelling off-ward to the shared therapy, recreation and vocational training spaces. Most patients will thus engage with the outdoors at least twice daily on their way to and return from these shared spaces. But in addition to accessing this central landscape, landscape views from patient rooms have been prioritised, and each ward is allocated its own large greenspace. Multiple, internal boundary fences enable patient access to the adjacent landscape to the greatest possible degree (refer to Figure 3). This approach provides patients with a diversity of landscape experiences.

This is important given the patterns of landscape use between forensic and non-forensic hospitals. In non-forensic facilities, patients are likely to have the choice of accessing multiple landscape spaces, whereas in forensic facilities access to a particular space is often restricted to one cohort, for example, a single ward group. This highlights a limitation of the courtyard model for forensic patients. Roseberry Park Hospital (2012) provides an example of how a high degree of landscape access can be similarly achieved for patients on constrained urban site, using a courtyard layout (refer to Figure 3).Providing patients with daily landscape access provides challenges to maintaining safety and security. Trees with low branches can be used as weapons, while tall branches can be used for self-harm, and ground cover landscaping increases opportunities to conceal contraband.

At the Australian hospital where advisory panel sessions were conducted (constructed in 2000), the landscape is occupied in a similar way and staff conveyed the constant effort required to ensure safe patient access to this greenspace. Significant costs are incurred annually by facilities staff in keeping the greenspace free from contraband and from several varieties of wild mushroom that grow seasonally on the site. Despite this cost, staff reported that both they and the patients value the opportunity to circulate through the landscaped grounds (even in inclement weather). Hence, the benefits to well-being are perceived as significant enough to justify this cost. These examples make evident that placing a hospital within a landscape is not enough to ensure patients are extended the well-being benefits of ongoing access.

Instead this requires that hospitals factor in the additional supervisory and maintenance requirements to maintain landscape access for patients.Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital. Spaces to support choice and a sense of controlResearch in environmental psychology, conducted within residential and hospital settings, confirms that the ability to regulate social contact can have a dramatic impact on well-being. The physical layout of spaces has been linked to both the likelihood of developing socially supportive relationships and impeding this development, with direct implications for communication, concentration, aggression and a person’s resilience to irritation.43 These problems can be more pronounced in a forensic psychiatric hospital as there is an over-representation of patients who have suffered trauma. Architects working in forensic psychiatric hospital design acknowledge that patients need space to withdraw from the busy hospital environment, spaces where they can ‘observe everything that is going on around them until they feel ready to join in’.44 It is surprising, therefore, that many contemporary forensic psychiatric hospitals still continue to provide a single social space for all 24 or 32 patients occupying a ward. The Worcester Recovery Center, by comparison, provides patients with a choice of social spaces that are designed to enable graduated degrees of social engagement.

This can support a sense of control to limit socially induced stress.Worcester is conceptualised as three distinct zones designed to resemble life beyond the hospital. The ‘house’, ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’ (Figure 4). The house zones include patient accommodation, employing a peninsula model. Each comprises 26 patient rooms, clustered into groups of 6 or 10 single bedrooms that face a collection of shared spaces dedicated to that cluster, including sitting areas, lounges and therapeutic spaces. A shared kitchen and dining room is provided for each house.

Three houses feed into a neighbourhood zone that includes shared spaces for therapy and vocational training, while the downtown zone serves a total of 14 houses. The downtown zone can be accessed by patients based on a merit system and includes a café, bank and retail spaces, music room, health club, chapel, green house, library and art rooms, alongside large interior public spaces. This array of amenities does not seem distinctly different from other contemporary facilities, where therapy and vocational training happen in a mix of on-ward and off-ward (often within a central treatment hub). The difference lies in the sensitivity of how these spaces are articulated.Details of the social spaces provided on each ward at the Worcester Recovery Center and the proximity of the ‘house’ (or ward) to the ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 4 Details of the social spaces provided on each ward at the Worcester Recovery Center and the proximity of the ‘house’ (or ward) to the ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’.The generosity of providing separate living spaces for every 6–10 patients and locating these directly across the corridor from the patient rooms supports a sense of control and choice for patients. Frank Pitts, an architect who worked on the Worcester project, has written that this was done to enable patients to ‘decide whether they are ready to step out and socialise or return to the privacy of their room’.45 This approach filters throughout the facility, providing a slow graduation of social engagement opportunities for patients, from opportunities to socialise with their cluster of 6–10 individuals, to their house of 26, to their neighbourhood of 78 people, to the full downtown experience.

According to the architects, the neighbourhood thus provides an intermediary zone between the quiet house and the active downtown, which can be overwhelming for some patients.46 Importantly the scale of the architecture responds to this transition from personal to public space, providing visual indicators to reflect patients’ movement through their treatment journey. Spaces become larger as they move further from the ward. This occurs because instead of providing a single, large shared living space, patients are provided a choice of smaller spaces to occupy—these are not much bigger than a patient bedroom. Dining spaces are slightly larger, while downtown spaces have a civic quality. These are double-height, providing a greater sense of light and airiness.

These are arranged in a semicircle, opening onto a large veranda and greenspace. The sensitive articulation of these spaces, with regard to both their graduated physical scale and the proximity of the social spaces to the patient bedrooms, provides spatial support to these social transitions while empowering patients to control their own level of social interaction.Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare. Creating opportunities for greater public engagement and supporting readjustment to the world beyond the hospitalOne of the most significant barriers to mental health treatment is the stigma associated with admission to a psychiatric hospital. We know that discrimination poses an obstacle to recovery and that the media fuels public fears related to forensic mental health patients.47 Two further challenges to mental health delivery include the disconnection patients can experience from the community, including from family and educational opportunities, and the risk of readmission in the period immediately following discharge.48 If architecture is capable of acting as a change-agent in the delivery of mental healthcare, then it needs to show leadership, not only in the provision of a better experience for patients but more broadly in taking steps to help shift public perceptions around mental illness. The Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare (MCJC) (Canada) displays several similarities with the approach taken to the Maudsley Hospital.

Its appearance communicates a modern, cutting-edge healthcare facility. It does not hide on a rural site or behind walls. At five stories, and extensively glazed, MCJC communicates a strong civic presence. Its proximity to McMaster University (6 km) and to neighbouring general hospitals, including Juravinski Hospital (4 km) and Hamilton General Hospital (4 km), positions it well for research collaborations to occur, while its proximity to the Mohawk Community College, across the road, can enable patients with leave privileges to access vocational training. More importantly, it employs three innovative design tactics to target the challenges of contemporary forensic mental healthcare, providing an example for how architecture might broker positive change.The first innovative design strategy is the co-location of support services for outpatient mental healthcare.

The risk of readmission is highest immediately following discharge. A lack of collaboration between outpatient support services can result in fragmented care when patients are most vulnerable to the stresses associated with readjustment to the world beyond.49 MCJC includes outpatient facilities allowing patients to use the hospital as a stable base, or touchstone, in adjusting to life after discharge. Bringing these services onto the same physical site can also improve opportunities for coordination between inpatient and outpatient support services which can support continuity of care. The second design strategy is the co-location of a medical ambulatory care centre which includes diagnostic imaging, educational and research facilities. This creates reasons for the general public to visit this facility, setting up the opportunity for greater public interaction.

This could potentially advance understandings of the role of this facility and the patients it treats.The third innovative design strategy was to optimise the on-edge treatment hub for public engagement. While adopted across a number of hospitals, including Hawaii State Hospital, Helix Forensic Psychiatry Clinic (Sweden) and the Worcester Recovery Center, the on-edge treatment hubs at these hospitals are buried deep inside the secure outer boundary. At MCJC, the treatment hub is placed adjacent to the public zones of the hospital—although on the second floor—and this can be viewed as extension of the public realm and enables the potential for the public to be brought right up to the secure boundary line (which occurs within the building). MCJC is divided into four zones. The public zone, the galleria (the name given to the treatment hub), the clinical corridor and inpatient accommodation (Figure 5).

The galleria functions similarly to the downtown at the Worcester Recovery Center. Patients are given graduated access to a series of spaces that support their recovery journey. These include a gym, wellness centre, spiritual centre, library, café, beauty salon, and retail and financial services, alongside patient and family support services. While the galleria was initially intended to be accessible by the general public, this was not immediately implemented on the facilities’ opening and it is unclear whether this has now occurred.50 Nonetheless, the potential for movement of patients outwards, and families inwards, has been built into the physical fabric of this building, meaning opportunities for social interaction and fostering greater public understanding are possible. If understanding is the antidote to discrimination, then exposing the public to the role of this facility and the patients it treats is an important step in the right direction.Zoning configuration at the Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare.

The galleria zone is on the second floor (shown in black). The arrows indicate main access points to the galleria. Lifts (L) and stairwell (S) positions are indicated." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 5 Zoning configuration at the Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare. The galleria zone is on the second floor (shown in black). The arrows indicate main access points to the galleria.

Lifts (L) and stairwell (S) positions are indicated.ConclusionThe question of how architecture can support the therapeutic journey of forensic mental health patients is a critical one. Yet the availability of evidence-based design literature to guide designers cannot keep pace with growing global demand for new forensic psychiatric hospital facilities, while limitations remain relative to the breadth and usability of this research. A narrow view of what constitutes credible evidence can overlook the value of knowledge embedded in architectural practice, alongside that held by architectural historians and lessons from environmental psychology. In respect of such a pressing and important problem, there is a responsibility to integrate knowledge from across these disciplines. Accepting the limitations of a theoretical analysis and of the desktop survey method, we also argue for its value.

Architects learn through experience, across multiple projects. This gives weight to the value of examining existing, contemporary design solutions to identify architectural innovations capable of providing benefits to patients and thus perhaps worthy of implementation across multiple projects. History gives us reason to believe that small changes to typical design practice can improve the delivery of mental healthcare, the daily experience of hospitalised patients and more broadly public perceptions of mental illness. Architecture has the capacity to contribute to positive change.Here, we have provided a nuanced way for architects and decision makers to think about the relationship between architectural space and treatment values. An institution’s model of care and the therapeutic values that underpin that model of care should be placed at the centre of architectural decision making.

A survey of contemporary architectural solutions confirms that, generally speaking, innovation is lacking in this field. There will always be real obstacles to innovation, and the argument presented here does not suggest it is necessarily practical to prioritise therapeutic values at the cost of patient, staff and community safety. Instead, it challenges architects and decision makers to properly interrogate any architectural decision that compromises an initial commitment to supporting a patient’s treatment journey—to be more idealistic in the pursuit of positive change.Tangible examples exist of architectural innovations capable of positively improving patient experience by supporting key values that underpin contemporary treatment approaches. The Broadmoor Hospital optimises the value of the village model for patients, prioritising patient needs for frequent landscape engagement to support their therapeutic journey. The Worcester Recovery Center provides a generous choice and graduation of social spaces to support the social reintegration of patients at their own pace.

MCJC co-located facilities to support a patient’s readjustment to daily life postdischarge, while creating opportunities for public engagement that has the potential to foster greater public understanding of the role of these institutions and the patients they treat. In identifying these three innovative design approaches, we provide architects with tangible design tactics, while encouraging researchers to look more closely at these examples with targeted, postoccupancy studies. These projects provide hope that with a shared vision and commitment, innovation is possible in forensic psychiatric hospital design, with tangible benefits for patients.Data availability statementAll data relevant to the study are included in the article or uploaded as supplementary information. The primary method undertaken for this research relied on data publicly available on the internet.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.AcknowledgmentsThe opportunity to conduct this project arose out of a multidisciplinary master-planning and feasibility study, commissioned by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority, to investigate various international solutions to inform future planning and design around forensic mental health service provision. The following people contributed their time and expertise in shaping the research process that enabled this article.

Neel Charitra, Stefano Scalzo, Les Potter, Margaret Grigg, Lousie Bawden, Matthew Balaam, Martin Gilbert, John MacAllister, Crystal James, Jo Ryan, Julie Anderson, Jo Wasley, Sophie Patitsas, Meagan Thompson, Judith Hemsworth, James Watson, Viviana Lazzarini, Krysti Henderson, Nadia Jaworski, Jack Kerlin and Jan Merchant.Notes1. Jamie O'Donahoo and Janette Graetz Simmonds (2016), “Forensic Patients and Forensic Mental Health in Victoria. Legal Context, Clinical Pathways, and Practice Challenges,” Australian Social Work 69, no. 2. 169–80.2.

The challenge of which terminology to select when writing about psychiatric hospital design remains difficult relative to the stigmas that surround this field. The term ‘patient’ has been used throughout, instead of ‘consumer’, as this article spans both historical and contemporary developments. In the context of this timespan, consumer is a relatively recent term, introduced around 1985.3. B Edginton (1994), “The Well-Ordered Body. The Quest for Sanity through Nineteenth-Century Asylum Architecture,” Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 11, no.

2. 375–86. Clare Hickman (2009), “Cheerful Prospects and Tranquil Restoration. The Visual Experience of Landscape as Part of the Therapeutic Regime of the British Asylum, 1800-60,” History of Psychiatry 20, no. 4 Pt 4.

425–41. Rebecca McLaughlan, 2012), “Post-Rationalisation and Misunderstanding. Mental Hospital Architecture in the New Zealand Media,” Fabrications 22, no. 2. 232–56.4.

Roger S Ulrich et al. (2008), “A Review of the Research Literature on Evidence-Based Healthcare Design,” HERD 1, no. 3. 61–125. Jill Maben et al.

(2015), “Evaluating a Major Innovation in Hospital Design. Workforce Implications and Impact on Patient and Staff Experiences of All Single Room Hospital Accommodation,” Health Services and Delivery Research 3. 1–304. Penny Curtis and Andy Northcott (2017), “The Impact of Single and Shared Rooms on Family-Centred Care in Children’s Hospitals,” Journal of Clinical Nursing 26, no. 11–12.

1584–96.5. Roger S. Ulrich et al. (2018), “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” Journal of Environmental Psychology 57. 53–66.6.

Graham A Tyson, Gordon Lambert, and Lyn Beattie (2002), “The Impact of Ward Design on the Behaviour, Occupational Satisfaction and Well-Being of Psychiatric Nurses,” International Journal of Mental Health Nursing 11, no. 2. 94–102.7. For further examples of this see Jon E. Eggert et al.

(2014), “Person-Environment Interaction in a New Secure Forensic State Psychiatric Hospital,” Behavioral Sciences &. The Law 32, no. 4. 527–38. C.C.

Whitehead et al. (1984), “Objective and Subjective Evaluation of Psychiatric Ward Redesign,” The American Journal of Psychiatry 141, no. 5. 639–44. Gabriela Novotná et al.

(2011), “Client-Centered Design of Residential Addiction and Mental Health Care Facilities. Staff Perceptions of Their Work Environment,” Qualitative Health Research 21, no. 11. 1527–38.8. Morgan Andersson et al.

(2013), “New Swedish Forensic Psychiatric Facilities. Visions and Outcomes,” Facilities 31, no 1/2. 24–88.9. For examples see Kathleen Connellan et al. (2013), “Stressed Spaces.

Mental Health and Architecture,” HERD. Health Environments Research &. Design Journal 6, no. 4. 127–168.

Constantina Papoulias et al. (2014), “The Psychiatric Ward as a Therapeutic Space. Systematic Review,” British Journal of Psychiatry 205, no. 3. 171–6.10.

R. Allen and R.G. Nairn, 1997. Alan Dilani, 2000, “Psychosocially Supportive Design - Scandinavian Health Care Design,” World Hospitals and Health Services 37. 20–4.

Rebecca McLaughlan (2018), “Psychosocially Supportive Design. The Case for Greater Attention to Social Space within the Pediatric Hospital," HERD 11, no. 2. 151–62.11. Rebecca McLaughlan (2017), “Learning From Evidence-Based Medicine.

Exclusions and Opportunities within Health Care Environments Research,” Design for Health 1. 210–28.12. B Edginton (1997), “Moral Architecture. The Influence of the York Retreat on Asylum Design,” Health &. Place 3, no.

2. 91–9. Jeremy Taylor (1991), Hospital and Asylum Architecture in England 1849–1914. Building for Health Care (London. Mansell Publishing Limited).

Anne Digby (1985), Madness, Morality and Medicine. A Study of the York Retreat 1796–1914 (New York. Cambridge University Press).13. Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine. Erving Goffman (1961), Asylums.

Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (New York. Doubleday). Ivan Belknap (1956), Human Problems of a State Mental Hospital (New York. Blakiston Division, McGraw-Hill). Andrew Scull (1979), Museums of Madness.

The Social Organization of Insanity in 19th Century England (London. Allen Lane). Leonard Smith (1999), Cure, Comfort and Safe Custody. Public Lunatic Asylums in Early Nineteenth-Century England (London. Leicester University Press).

Rebecca McLaughlan (2014), “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily. Building for Mental Health in New Zealand” (PhD diss., Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand).14. Although not fitting a strict definition of postoccupancy evaluation, the following articles were notable exceptions to this finding. Eggert et al., “Person-Environment Interaction,” 527–38. Roger S.

Ulrich et al. (2018), “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 53–66. Catherine Clark Ahern et al. (2016), “A Recovery-Oriented Care Approach. Weighing the Pros and Cons of a Newly Built Mental Health Facility,” Journal of Psychosocial Nursing and Mental Health Services 54, no.

2. 39–48.15. M Gibbons (2000), “Mode 2 Society and the Emergence of Context-Sensitive Science,” Science and Public Policy 27. 161.16. D Seamon, 2000, “A Way of Seeing People and Place,” in Theoretical Perspectives in Environment-Behavior Research, ed.

S. Wapner, J. Demick, T. Yamamoto and H. Minami (New York.

Plenum), 157–78.17. Thomas A Markus (1982), Order in Space and Society. Architectural Form and Its Context in the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh. Mainstream Publishing Company).18. Ulrich et al., “A Review of the Research Literature,” 61–125.19.

This was first created by first author for use for historical analysis during her PhD and is applied here to a contemporary setting. Refer to McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily.”20. The following documents were referenced in compiling this list. Joint Commission Panel for Mental Health, NHS, UK (2013), “Guidance for Commissioners of Forensic Mental Health Services,” May, https://www.jcpmh.info/resource/guidance-for-commissioners-of-forensic-mental-health-services/. Cannon Design (2014), “St Joseph’s Integrated Healthcare Hamilton, Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare,” Healthcare Design Showcase, September.

Health Nexus Group, 2017, “Forensicare Model of Care Report,” April, Australia (access provided by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority). Donald Cant Watts Corke (2014), “Service Plan for Forensic Mental Health Services,” July, Australia (access provided by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority).21. Sometimes this includes patients with no history of criminal behaviour but who are unable to be treated safely in a general hospital environment.22. W.A.F Browne (1991), "What Asylums Were, Are and Ought to Be (1837),” reprinted in The Asylum as Utopia. W.A.F.

Browne and the Mid-Nineteenth Century Consolidation of Psychiatry, ed. Andrew Scull (London. Tavistock). Morgan Andersson et al. (2013), “New Swedish Forensic Psychiatric Facilities,” 24–38.

Eggert et al., “Person-Environment Interaction.”23. Anon (1895), “Review. The Colonization of the Insane in Connection with the Open-Door System. Its Historical Development and the Mode in Which It Is Carried Out at Alt Scherbitz Manor. By Dr.

Albrecht Paetz, Director of the Provincial Institution for the Insane (Berlin. Springer, 1983),” The Journal of Mental Science 41. 697–703.24. Theodore Gray (1958), The Very Error of the Moon (Ilfracombe &. Devon.

Arthur H. Stockwell Ltd), 64.25. John Galt (1854), “The Farm of St. Anne,” American Journal of Insanity II (1854). 352.26.

Galt, “The Farm of St. Anne,” 352.27. Martin James (1948), “Diagnostic Measures,” in Modern Trends in Psychological Medicine, ed. Noel Haris (London. Buttefwork &.

Co. Ltd), 146. World Health Organization (1953), The Community Mental Hospital. Third Report of the Expert Committee on Mental Health (Geneva. WHO).28.

Carla Yanni (2007), The Architecture of Madness. Insane Asylums in the United States. Minneapolis (London. University of Minnesota Press).29. Key British examples included the 1923 rebuild of London’s Bethlem Hospital which followed the villa model, alongside Shenley Park Mental Hospital (Middlesex County) and Barrow Mental Hospital (Somerset), both constructed in the early 1930s.30.

Taylor, Hospital and Asylum Architecture in England.31. Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 53–66. O. Jenkins, S. Dye and C.

Foy (2015) (Oliver Jenkins et al., 2015), “A Study of Agitation, Conflict and Containment in Association With Change in Ward Physical Environment,” Journal of Psychiatric Intensive Care 11, no. 01. 27–35. M. Daffern, M.M.

Mayer, and T. Martin (2004), “Environmental Contributors to Aggression in Two Forensic Psychiatric Hospitals,” International Journal of Forensic Mental Health 3 no. 1. 105–114. Kathryn L.

Brooks et al. (1994), “Patient Overcrowding in Psychiatric Hospital Units. Effects on Seclusion and Restraint,” Administration and Policy in Mental Health 22, no. 2. 133–44.

T. T Palmstierna, B Huitfeldt, and B Wistedt (1991), “The Relationship of Crowding and Aggressive Behavior on a Psychiatric Intensive Care Unit,” Psychiatric Services 42, no. 12. 1237–40.32. Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 57.

Charles Mercier (1894), Lunatic Asylums. Their Organisation and Management (London. Charles Griffin and Company), 135.33. Morgan Andersson et al. (2013), “New Swedish Forensic Psychiatric Facilities,” 24–38.

Joel A Dvoskin et al. (2002), “Architectural Design of a Secure Forensic State Psychiatric Hospital,” Behavioral Scients &. The Law, 20, no. 3. 481-493.

J. Enser and D. Maclnnes (1999), “The Relationship between Building Design and Escapes from Secure Units,” Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health 119, no. 3. 170–4.

Jon E. Eggert et al. (2014), “Person-Environment Interaction,” 527–38.34. Tom Brooks-Pilling cited in Mike Lear (2015), “Designer. New Fulton State Hospital Will Be Better, Safer,” Missourinet, January 5, https://www.missourinet.com/2015/01/05/designer-new-fulton-state-hospital-will-be-better-safer/35.

Leslie Topp (2007), “The Modern Mental Hospital in Late Nineteenth-Century Germany and Austria. Psychiatric Space and Images of Freedom and Control,” in Madness, Architecture and the Built Environment. Psychiatric Spaces in Historical Context, ed. Leslie Topp, James Moran and Jonathan Andrews (London and New York. Routledge), 244.36.

McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily,” 35. Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine.37. Anon (1908), “Proposed New Hospital for Mental Diseases,” The Lancet 171, no. 4410. 728–9.38.

Anon, “Proposed New Hospital for Mental Diseases.”39. McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily.”40. Samuel Tuke (1964), “Description of the Retreat (1813),” reprinted in Description of the Retreat With an Introduction by Richard Hunter and Ida Macalpine (London. Dawsons of Paul Mall). Scull, Museums of Madness.

Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine. Smith, Cure, Comfort and Safe Custody.41. World Health Organization (1953), The Community Mental Hospital. Also refer to T.F Main (1946), “The Hospital as a Therapeutic Institution”, Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 10, no. 3.

66–71. David Clark (1965), “The Therapeutic Community Concept, Practice and Future,” The Journal of Mental Science 111. 947–54.42. Jolanda Maas et al. (2009), “Social Contacts as a Possible Mechanism behind the Relation between Green Space and Health,” Health &.

Place 15, no. 2. 586–95. Gayle Souter-Brown (2015), Landscape and Urban Design for Health and Well-Being. Using Healing, Sensory and Therapeutic Gardens (Oxon &.

New York. Routledge). Ulrich et al., “A Review of the Research Literature,” 61–125.43. Leon Festinger et al. (1950), Social Pressures in Informal Groups.

A Study of Human Factors in Housing, vol. 11 (New York. Harper Bros). David Halpern (1995), Mental Health and the Built Environment. More than Bricks and Mortar?.

(London. Taylor and Francis). A. Baum and G.E. Davis (1980), “Reducing the Stress of High-Density Living.

An Architectural Intervention,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 38, no. 3. 471–81. I. Altman and M.M.

Chemers (1984), Culture and Environment (Monterey, CA. Brooks &. Cole Publishing). Gary W Evans (2003), “The Built Environment and Mental Health,” Journal of Urban Health. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 80 no.

4. 536–55. Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 53–66.44. Stence Guldager cited in Troldtekt, “Innovative Architecture is Good for Mental Health,” https://www.troldtekt.com/News/Themes/Healing_architecture/Innovative_architecture_is_good_for_mental_health (accessed June 30, 2019). Clare Hickman and “Cheerful Prospects (2009).45.

Frank Pitts cited in Patricia Wen (2012), “For Mentally Ill, A Design Departure,” B News, August 16, https://www.boston.com/news/local-news/2012/08/16/for-mentally-ill-a-design-departure46. Ellenzweig with Architecture Plus, “Massachusetts Department of Mental Health, Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital – Worcester, MA,” Healthcare Design (2013), July 30, https://www.healthcaredesignmagazine.com/architecture/massachusetts-department-mental-health-worcester-recovery-center-and-hospital-worcester-ma/47. Sane Australia (2003), “A Life Without Stigma,” July 25, http://apo.org.au/resource/life-without-stigma. Otto F Wahl (2012), “Stigma as a Barrier to Recovery from Mental Illness,” Trends in Cognitive Sciences 16, no. 1.

9–10. New Zealand Ministry of Health and Health Promotion Agency (2014), “Like Minds, Like Mine National Plan 2014–2019. Programme to Increase Social Inclusion and Reduce Stigma and Discrimination for People with Experience of Mental Illness,” May 20, https://www.likeminds.org.nz/assets/National-Plans/like-minds-like-mine-national-plan-2014-2019-may14.pdf. G Moon (2000), “Risk and Protection. The Discourse of Confinement in Contemporary Mental Health Policy," Health &.

Nairn (1997), “Media Depictions of Mental Illness. An Analysis of the Use of Dangerousness,” Australian &. New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 31, no. 3. 375–81.

Greg Philo et al. (1994), “The Impact of the Mass Media on Public Images of Mental Illness. Media Content and Audience Belief,” Health Education Journal 53, no. 3. 271–81.48.

G Moon (2000), “Risk and Protection,” 239–50. T.F Main (1948), “Rehabilitation and the Individual,” in Modern Trends in Psychological Medicine, ed. Noel Haris (London. Buttefwork &. Co.

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A Comparative State Survey,” 2016, https://www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/storage/documents/released-relapsed-rehospitalized.pdf. Leila Salem et al. (2015), “Supportive Housing and Forensic Patient Outcomes,” Law and Human Behavior 39, no. 3. 311.49.

National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence, Manchester (2016), “Transition between Inpatient Mental Health Settings and Community or Care Home Settings. Guideline,” August, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ng53/evidence/full-guideline-pdf-260695191750. Catherine Clark Ahern et al. (2016), “A Recovery-Oriented Care Approach,” 47..

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Routledge.27. Angela Ross Perfetti (2018). "Fate and the clinic.

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"Seeing illness in art and medicine. A patient and printmaker collaboration." Ibid. No.

42 (3):155-159. Doi. 10.1136/medhum-2015-01083829.

Jonatan Wistrand and J Wistrand (2017). "When doctors are patients. A narrative study of help-seeking behaviour among addicted physicians." Ibid.

Carson (2015). Medical humanities. An introduction.

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Edinburgh. Edinburgh University Press.34. Jordanova, Medicine and the visual arts.35.

Stahl and Stahl, Seeing illness in art and medicine. A patient and printmaker collaboration.36. William Viney et al.

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Carel (2016). Ibid."Breathing and breathlessness in clinic and culture. Using critical medical humanities to bridge an epistemic gap." In, 294-309.39.

P J Pelto and G H Pelto (1997). 1997. "Studying knowledge, culture, and behavior in applied medical anthropology." Medical Anthropology Quarterly no.

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Cham. Springer.42. Komatra Chuengsatiansup and Wirun Limsawart (2019).

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Doi. 10.1057/s41599-019-0239-443. R Garden (2014).

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Sue Walker (2019). Ibid."Effective antimicrobial resistance communication. The role of information design." 24.

Doi. 10.1057/s41599-019-0231-z48. Pelto and Pelto, Studying knowledge, culture, and behavior in applied medical anthropology.49.

May Sudhinaraset et al. (2013). "What is the role of informal healthcare providers in developing countries?.

A systematic review." PLoS ONE no. 8 (2):e54978. Doi.

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96 (2):141-144. Doi. 10.2471/BLT.17.19968751.

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Multi-country public awareness survey, 42.53. Gualano, et al. General population's knowledge and attitudes about antibiotics.

A systematic review and meta-analysis.54. Edward A Belongia et al. (2002).

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Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure.58. Jie Chang et al. (2018).

"Non-prescription use of antibiotics among children in urban China. A cross-sectional survey of knowledge, attitudes, and practices." Expert Review of Anti-infective Therapy no. 16 (2):163-172.

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Doi. 10.1093/jac/dkv31061. Abel Santiago Muri-Gama, Albert Figueras, and Silvia Regina Secoli (2018).

"Inappropriately prescribed and over-the-counter antimicrobials in the Brazilian Amazon Basin. We need to promote more rational use even in remote places." PLoS ONE no. 13 (e0201579).

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"How much can a KAP survey tell us about people's knowledge, attitudes and practices?. Some observations from medical anthropology research on malaria in pregnancy in Malawi." Anthropology Matters no. 11 (1).63.

Achieving the balance between access and excess." The Lancet no. 387 (10014):102-104. Doi.

10.1016/S0140-6736(15)00729-164. C Olivier et al. (2010).

"Containing global antibiotic resistance. Ethical drug promotion in the developing world." In Antimicrobial resistance in developing countries, edited by Sosa, Byarugaba, Amábile-Cuevas, Hsueh, Kariuki and Okeke, 505-524. New York, NY.

Springer.65. Chandler, Current accounts of antimicrobial resistance. Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure.66.

Chandler, Current accounts of antimicrobial resistance. Stabilisation, individualisation and antibiotics as infrastructure.67. Steve Hinchliffe, Andrea Butcher, and Muhammad Meezanur Rahman (2018).

"The AMR problem. Demanding economies, biological margins, and co-producing alternative strategies." Ibid. No.

Chuengsatiansup and Limsawart, Tuberculosis in the borderlands. Migrants, microbes and more-than-human borders.69. Khan, et al, ‘LMICs as reservoirs of AMR’.

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Garden, Social studies. The humanities, narrative, and the social context of the patient-professional relationship.91. A Harpin (2016).

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L Jerke, M. Prendergast, and W. Dobson (2018).

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114. Macnaughton and Carel, Breathing and breathlessness in clinic and culture. Using critical medical humanities to bridge an epistemic gap.115.

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Gilman, Illness and image. Case studies in the medical humanities.118. Cole and Gallagher, Narrative and clinical neuroscience.

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20 (4):419-427. Doi. 10.1177/1367493515625134123.

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Geneva. World Health Organization.125. Across the three villages, 67% of the workshop attendees were female and the average age of the attendees was 44 years (range.

18 to 81 years. Based on subsequently collected survey data).126. Nutcha Charoenboon et al.

(2019)127. We thank an anonymous reviewer for highlighting the potential hazards of reproducing hierarchies through methods intended to challenge them in the first place.128. The research was reviewed and approved by the University of Oxford Tropical Research Ethics Committee (Ref.

OxTREC 528-17), and it received local ethical approval in Thailand from the Mae Fah Luang University Research Ethics Committee on Human Research (Ref. REH 60099). The service evaluation of the photo exhibition involved anonymised data collection and received a waiver for ethical approval from the University of Warwick Humanities &.

Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee (HSSREC). However, all evaluation form respondents explicitly consented to the data being reported in research publications.129. Marco J Haenssgen et al.

(2018)130. National Statistical Office (2012). The 2010 population and housing census.

Changwat Chiang Rai. Bangkok. National Statistical Office.131.

Data on the individual level would entail duplication of observations should both census survey rounds be included. Step-level data were aggregated on the illness level for analysis.132. Claire Charlotte McKechnie (2014).

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Doi. 10.1136/medhum-2013-010466133. Carusi, Modelling systems biomedicine.

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Integrating community roles into health systems frameworks to achieve health for all." BMJ Global Health no. 3 (Suppl. 3):e001384.

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University of Sussex138. WHO (2007). Strengthening health systems to improve health outcomes.

WHO’s framework for action. Geneva. World Health Organization.139.

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A Bleakley (2014). Ibid. "Towards a 'critical medical humanities'." In, 17-26.142.

Hume, et al., Biomedicine and the humanities. Growing pains.143. Nutcha Charoenboon et al.

(2019)144. Marco Haenssgen et al. (2018)145.

WHO, World Antibiotic Awareness Week. 2016 campaign toolkit.146. The questionnaire did so by showing all survey respondents three images of common antibiotic capsules being used in Chiang Rai (green-blue.

White-blue. Azithromycin—see questionnaire page 10 in the online supplementary material). Respondents were asked to name what they saw, and all their answers were recorded (field-coded and as free text).147.

The ‘desirability’ of the responses was field coded by the survey team. Sample responses (as instructed through the survey manual) for ‘desirable’ answers included, for example, “Only if the doctor says that I should”. Sample responses for ‘undesirable’ answers included “Yes, you can buy it in the shop over there!.

€ The variable should be interpreted as ‘the fraction of respondents who uttered a ‘desirable’ response’—the inverse is the fraction of responses that could not be deemed ‘desirable’ (eg, ‘do not know’ or ‘no opinion’).148. Because recalled descriptions of medicine tend to be ambiguous, we limited our analysis to medicines where we had a high degree of certainty that they were an antibiotic. This was specifically the case if survey respondents mentioned common antibiotic descriptions such as ‘anti-inflammatory’, ‘amoxi’ or ‘colem’, if they indicated explicitly that they know what ‘anti-inflammatory medicine’ is (noting that the term describes antibiotics unambiguously in Thai), and if they subsequently mentioned any of the previously mentioned antibiotics during their description of an illness episode (conversely, we excluded cases were the medicine could not be confirmed as either antibiotic or non-antibiotic, including descriptions like ‘white powder’ or ‘green capsule’).149.

Aristotle (1954). Rhetoric. Translated by Roberts.

New York, NY. Modern Library. Original edition, 350 BC.150.

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Doi. 10.2471/BLT.12.105445152. C Muksong and K.

Chuengsatiansup (2020). Forthcoming. "Medicine and public health in Thai historiography.

From an elitist view to counter-hegemonic discourse." In Health, pluralism and globalisation. A modern history of medicine in South-East Asia, edited by Monnais and Cook. London.

The Wellcome Trust Centre for the History.153. L Sringernyuang (2000). Availability and use of medicines in rural Thailand.

Amsterdam. Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research.154. Although this was not the focus of the current paper, we note for full disclosure that the workshops, too, had mixed behavioural impacts.

The poster making sessions in Chiang Rai demonstrated for instance how our conversations about drug resistance and the introduction of messages from the World Health Organization entailed at times problematic interpretations like, “You shouldn’t take medicines that you have never seen before”—the research team responded to such interpretations directly in order to avoid misunderstandings. In addition, previous behavioural analyses documented that, while workshop participants demonstrated higher levels of awareness of drug resistance, alignment of antibiotic use with global health recommendations was mixed, and in one case, a villager started selling antibiotics after the workshop. For more details on the behavioural analysis, see Nutcha Charoenboon et al.

(2019) and Marco Haenssgen et al. (2018).155. For example, Redfern, et al., Spreading the message of antimicrobial resistance.

A detailed account of a successful public engagement event.156. Antoine Boivin et al. (2018).

2018. "Patient and public engagement in research and health system decision making. A systematic review of evaluation tools (epub ahead of print)." Health Expectations.

Doi. 10.1111/hex.12804157. Staniszewska, et al.

GRIPP2 reporting checklists. Tools to improve reporting of patient and public involvement in research.158. Jerke, et al.

Smoking cessation in mental health communities. A living newspaper applied theatre project.159. Switzer, What’s in an image?.

Towards a critical and interdisciplinary reading of participatory visual methods.160. R. C Barfield and L.

Selman (2014). "Health and humanities. Spirituality and religion." In Health humanities reader, edited by Jones, Wear, Friedman and Pachucki, 376-386.

New Brunswick, NJ. Rutgers University Press.161. Abimbola, Beyond positive a priori bias.

Reframing community engagement in LMICs (epub ahead of print), 1.162. Marco J Haenssgen et al. (2019)163.

Marc Mendelson et al. (2017). "Antibiotic resistance has a language problem." Nature no.

Haak and Radyowijati, Determinants of antimicrobial use. Poorly understood, poorly researched.165. S Harbarth and D.

L. Monnet (2008). "Cultural and socioeconomic determinants of antibiotic use." In Antibiotic Policies.

Fighting Resistance, edited by Gould and van der Meer, 29-40. Boston, MA. Springer.166.

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Schwartz (2005). "Photographs and the sociological research process." In Image-based research. A sourcebook for qualitative researchers, edited by Prosser, 101-115.

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Marco J Haenssgen (2019)183. Michael Etherton and Tim Prentki (2006). "Drama for change?.

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Doi. 10.1177/1468794112446104IntroductionIn Australia, the USA and the UK, the number of hospital beds required for forensic mental health treatment doubled between 1996 and 2016.1 Current trends and future predictions suggest this demand will continue to grow. But, in an age where evidence-based practice is highly valued, the demand for new facilities already outpaces the availability of credible evidence to guide designers.

This article reports findings from a desktop survey of current design practice across 31 psychiatric hospitals (24 forensic, 7 non-forensic) constructed or scheduled for completion between 2006 and 2022. Desktop surveys, as a form of research, are heavily relied on in architectural practice. Photographs and architectural drawings are analysed to understand both typical and innovative approaches to designing a particular building type.

While desktop surveys are sometimes supplemented by visits to exemplar projects (which might also be termed ‘fieldwork’), time pressures and budgetary constraints often preclude this. As the result of an academic–industry partnership, the research reported herein embraced practice-based research methods in conjunction with an academic approach. The data set available for the desktop survey was rich but incomplete.

Security requirements restrict the public availability of complete floor plans and postoccupancy evaluations. To mitigate these limitations, knowledge was integrated from other disciplines, including environmental psychology, architectural history and professional practice. With regard to the latter, knowledge is specifically around the design and consultation processes that guide the construction of these facilities.

This knowledge was used to identify three contemporary hospitals that challenge accepted design practice and, we argue, in doing so have the potential to act as change-agents in the delivery of forensic mental healthcare. We define innovation as variation/s to common, or typical, architectural solutions that can positively improve patients’2 experience of these facilities in ways that directly support one, or a number, of key values underpinning forensic mental healthcare. While this article does not provide postoccupancy data to quantify the value of these innovations, we hope to encourage both designers and researchers to more closely consider these projects—particularly the way that spaces have been designed to benefit patient well-being—and the questions these designs raise for the future of forensic mental healthcare delivery.Now regarded as naïve is the 19th-century belief that architecture and landscape, if appropriately designed, can restore sanity.3 Yet contemporary research from the field of evidence-based design confirms that the built environment does play a role in the therapeutic process, even if that role does not determine therapeutic outcomes.4 Research regarding the design of forensic mental healthcare facilities remains limited.

An article by Ulrich et al recommended that to reduce aggression patients should be accommodated in single rooms. Communal areas should have movable furniture. Wards should be designed for low social densities.

And accessible gardens should be provided.5 An earlier study by Tyson et al showed that lower ward densities can also positively improve patient–staff interactions.6 Commonly, however, the studies referenced above compared older-style mental health units with their contemporary replacements.7 There is little comparative research available that examines contemporary facilities for forensic mental healthcare, with the exception of one article that provided a comparative analysis of nine Swedish facilities, designed between 1990 and 2008.8 However, this article merely described the design aspirations and physical composition of each hospital without investigating the link between design aspiration, patient well-being and the resulting physical environment.There are two further limitations to evidence-based design research. The first is the extent to which data do not provide directly applicable design tactics. Systematic literature reviews typically provide a set of design recommendations but without suggesting to designers what the corresponding physical design tactics to achieve those recommendations might actually be.9 This is consistent for general hospital design.

For example, architects have been advised to provide spaces that are ‘psychosocially supportive’ since 2000, yet it was 2016 before a spatially focused definition of this term was provided, offering designers a more tangible understanding of what they should be aiming for.10 The second limitation is the breadth of research currently available. While rigorous and valuable, evidence-based design often overlooks the fact that architects must design across scales, from the master-planning scale—deciding where to place buildings of various functions within a site, and how to manage the safe movement of staff and patients between those buildings—to the scale of a bathroom door. How do you design a bathroom door to meet antiligature and surveillance requirements, to maintain patient safety, while still communicating dignity and respect for patients?.

The available literature provides much to contemplate, but in terms of credible evidence much of this research is based on a single study, typically conducted within a single hospital context and often focused on a single aspect of design. This raises the question, is there really a compelling basis for regarding evidence-based design knowledge as more credible than knowledge generated about this building type from other disciplines?. In light of the small amount of evidence available in this field, is there not a responsibility to use all the available knowledge?.

While the discipline of evidence-based design has existed for three decades,11 purpose-designed buildings for the treatment of mental illness have been constructed for over three centuries. Researchers working within the field of architectural history also understand that patient experience is partially determined—for better or worse—by the decisions that designers make, and that models of care have been used to drive design outcomes since the establishment of the York Retreat in 1796. With their focus on moral treatment, the York Retreat influenced a shift in the way asylum design was approached, from the provision of safe custody to finding architectural solutions to support the restoration of sanity.12 Architectural historians also bring evidence to bear in respect of this design challenge, specifically knowledge of how the best architectural intentions can result in unanticipated (sometimes devastating) outcomes—and of the conditions that gave rise to those outcomes.13 There is a third, rich source of knowledge available to guide designers that, broadly speaking, academic researchers have yet to tap into.

It is the knowledge produced by practitioners themselves. Architects learn through experience, across multiple projects and through practice-based forms of enquiry that include desktop surveys (also referred to as precedent studies), user group consultations and gathering (often informal) postoccupancy data from their clients. Architects have already offered a range of tangible solutions to meet particular aspirations related to patient care.

There is value in examining these existing design solutions to identify those capable of providing direct benefits to patients that might justify implementation across multiple projects. In understanding how the physical design of forensic psychiatric hospitals can best support the therapeutic journey of patients, all available knowledge should be valued and integrated.Methodology. Embracing ‘mode two’ researchThis research was conducted within the context of a master­-planning and feasibility study, commissioned by a state government department, to investigate various international design solutions to inform future planning around forensic mental health service provisions in Victoria, Australia.

The industry-led nature of this project demanded a less conventional and more inclusive methodological approach. Tight timeframes precluded employing research methods that required ethics approvals (interviewing patients was not possible), while the timeframe and budget precluded the research team from conducting fieldwork. The following obstacles further limited a conventional approach:Postoccupancy evaluations of forensic psychiatric hospital facilities are seldom conducted and/or not made publicly available.14Published floor plans that would enable researchers to derive an understanding of the functional layouts and corresponding habits of occupancy within these facilities are limited owing to the security needs surrounding forensic psychiatric hospital sites.Available literature relevant to the design of forensic psychiatric hospital facilities provides few direct architectural recommendations to offer tactics for how the built environment might support the delivery of treatment.The team had to find a way to navigate these challenges in order to address the important question of how the physical design of forensic psychiatric hospitals can best support the therapeutic journey of patients.‘Mode two’ is a methodological approach that draws on the strength of collaborations between academia and industry to produce ‘socially robust knowledge’ whose reliability extends ‘beyond the laboratory’ to real-world contexts.15 It shares commonalities with a phenomenological approach that attributes value to the prolonged, firsthand exposure of the researcher with the phenomenon in question.16 The inclusion of practising architects and academic researchers within the research team provided considerable expertise in the design, consultation and documentation of these facilities, alongside an understanding of the kinds of challenges that arise following the occupation of this building type.

Mode two, as a research approach, also recognises that, while architects reference evidence-based design literature, this will not replace the processes through which practitioners have traditionally assembled knowledge about particular building types, predominantly desktop surveys.A desktop survey was undertaken to understand contemporary design practice within this building type. Forty-four projects were identified as relevant for the period 2006–2022 (31 forensic and 13 non-forensic psychiatric hospitals). These included facilities from the UK, the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the United Arab Emirates and Ireland (online supplementary appendix 1).

Sufficient architectural information was not available for 13 of these projects and they were excluded from the study. For the remaining 31 facilities, 24 accommodated forensic patients and 7 did not. Non-forensic facilities were included to enable an awareness of any significant programmatic or functional differences in the design responses created for forensic versus non-forensic mental health patients.

Architectural drawings and photographs were analysed to identify general trends, alongside points of departure from common practice. Borrowing methods from architectural history, the desktop survey was supplemented by other available information, including a mix of hospital-authored guidebooks (as provided to patients and visitors), architects’ statements, newspaper articles and literature from the field of evidence-based design. Available data varied for each of the 31 hospitals.

Adopting a method from architectural theorist Thomas Markus, the materiality and placement of external and internal boundary lines were closely studied (assisted by Google Earth).17 When read in conjunction with the architectural drawings, boundary placement revealed information regarding patient access to adjacent landscape spaces.Supplemental materialA desktop survey has limitations. It cannot provide a conclusive understanding of how these spaces operate when occupied by patients and staff. While efforts were made to contact individual practices and healthcare providers to obtain missing details, such requests typically went unanswered.

This is likely owing to concerns of security, alongside the realities of commercial practice, concerns around intellectual property, and complex client and stakeholder arrangements that can act to prohibit the sharing of this information. To deepen the team’s understanding, a 2-day workshop was hosted to which two international architectural practices were invited to attend, one from the UK and one from the USA. Both practices had recently completed a significant forensic psychiatric hospital project.

While neither of these facilities had been occupied at the time of the workshops, the architects were able to share their experiences relative to the research, design, and client and patient consultation processes undertaken. The Australian architects who led the research team also brought extensive experience in acute mental healthcare settings, which assisted in data analysis.To further mitigate the limitations of the desktop survey, understandings developed by the team were used as a basis for advisory panel discussions with staff. Feedback was sought from five 60 min long, advisory panel sessions, each including four to six clinical/facilities staff (who attended voluntarily during work hours) from a forensic psychiatric hospital in Australia, where several participants recounted professional experience in both the Australian and British contexts.

Each advisory panel session was themed relative to various aspects of contemporary design. (1) site/hospital layout, (2) inpatient accommodation, (3) landscape design and access, (4) staff amenities, and (5) treatment hubs (referred to as ‘treatment malls’ in the American context). These sessions enabled the research team to double-check our analysis of the plans and photographs, particularly our assumptions regarding the likely use, practicality and therapeutic value of particular spaces.Model for analysisWithin general hospital design, a range of indicators are used to measure the contribution of architecture to healing, such as the optimisation of lighting to support sleep, the minimisation of patient falls, or whether the use of single patient rooms assists with control.18 In mental health, however, where the therapeutic journey is based more on psychology than physiology, what metrics should be employed to evaluate the success of one design response over another in supporting patient care?.

We suggest the first step is to acknowledge the values that underpin contemporary approaches to mental healthcare. The second step is to translate those treatment values into corresponding spatial values using a value-led spatial framework.19 This provides a checklist for relating particular spatial conditions to specific values around patient care. For example, if the design intent is to optimise privacy and dignity for patients, then the design of bathrooms, relaxation and de-esculation spaces are all important spaces in respect of that therapeutic value.

Highlighting this relationship can assist decision makers to more closely interrogate areas that matter most relative to achieving these values. To put this in context, optimising a bathroom design to prioritise a direct line of sight for staff might improve safety but also obstruct privacy and dignity for patients. While such decisions will always need to be carefully balanced, a value-led spatial framework can provide a touchstone for designers and stakeholders to revisit throughout the design process.To analyse the 31 projects examined within this project, we developed a framework (Table 1).

It recognises that a common approach to patient care can be identified across contemporary Australian, British and Canadian models:View this table:Table 1 Value-led spatial framework. Correlating treatment values with corresponding spaces within the hospital’s physical environmentThat patients be extended privacy and dignity to the broadest degree possible without impacting their personal safety or that of other patients or staff.That patients be treated within the least restrictive environment possible relative to the severity of their illness and the legal (or security) requirements attached to their care.That patients be afforded choice and independence relative to freedom of movement within the hospital campus (as appropriate to the individual), extending to a choice of social, recreational and treatment spaces.That patients’ progression through their treatment journey is reflected in the way the architecture communicates to hospital users.That opportunities for peer-led therapeutic processes and involvement of family and community-based care providers be optimised within a hospital campus. 20Table 1 assigns a range of architectural spaces and features that are relevant to each of the five treatment values listed.

Architectural decisions related to these values operate across three scales. Context, hospital and individual. Context decisions are those made in respect of a hospital’s location, including proximity to allied services, connections to public transport and distances to major metropolitan hubs.

Decisions of this type are important relative to staffing recruitment and retention, and opportunities for research relative to the psychiatric hospital’s proximity to general (teaching) hospitals or university precincts. Architectural decisions operating at the hospital scale include considerations of how secure site boundaries are provided. How buildings are laid out on a site.

And how spatial and functional links are set up between those buildings. This is important relative to the movement of patients and staff across a site, including the location and functionality of therapeutic hubs. But it can also impact patient and community psychology.

The design of external fences, in particular, can compound feelings of confinement for patients. Focus community attention on the custodial role of a facility over and above its therapeutic function. And influence perceptions of safety and security for the community immediately surrounding the hospital.

Architectural decisions operating at the ‘individual’ scale are those that more closely impact the daily experience of a hospital for patients and staff. These include the various arrangements for inpatient accommodation. Tactics for providing patients with landscape access and views.

And the question of staff spaces relative to safety, ease of communication and collaboration. Approaches to landscape, inpatient accommodation and concerns of staff supervision are closely intertwined.Findings. What we learnt from 31 contemporary psychiatric hospital projectsForensic psychiatric hospitals treat patients who require mental health treatment in addition to a history of criminal offending or who are at risk of committing a criminal offence.

Primarily, these include patients who are unfit to stand trial and those found not guilty on account of their illness.21 Accommodation is typically arranged according to low, medium or high security needs, alongside clinical need, and whether an acute, subacute, extended or translational rehabilitation setting is required. Security needs are determined based on the risk a patient presents to themselves and/or others, alongside their risk of absconding from the facility. The challenge that has proven intractable for centuries is how can architects balance privacy and dignity for patients, while maintaining supervision for their own safety, alongside that of their fellow patients, the staff providing care and, in some cases, the community beyond.22 In this section we present overall trends regarding the layout of buildings within hospital sites, including the placement of treatment hubs and the design of inpatient wards.

Access to landscape is not explicitly addressed in this section but is implicit in decisions around site layout and inpatient accommodation.Design approaches to site layoutWe identified two approaches to site layout—the ‘village’ (4 from 31 hospitals) and the ‘campus’ (27 from 31 hospitals) (figure 1). Similar in their functional arrangement, these are differentiated according to the degree of exterior circulation required to move between patient-occupied spaces. Village hospitals comprise a number of buildings sitting within the landscape, while campus hospitals have interconnected buildings with access provided by internal corridors that prevent the need to go outside.

Neither approach is new. Both follow the models first used within the 19th century. The village hospital follows the model designed by Dr Albrecht Paetz in 1878 (Alt Scherbitz, Germany), which included detached cottages accommodating patients in groups of between 24 and 100, set within gardens.23 Paetz created this design in response to his belief that upwards of 1000 patients should not be accommodated in a single building, with security measures determined in relation to those patients whose behaviour was the least predictable.24 The resulting monotony of the daily routine and restrictions on patient movement were believed to ‘cripple the intelligence and depress the spirit’.25 Paetz’s model allowed doctors to classify patients into smaller groups and unlock doors to allow patients with predictable behaviour to wander freely within the secure outer boundaries of the hospital.26 This remained the preferred approach to patient accommodation for over a century, as endorsed by the WHO in their report of 1953.27 Broadmoor Hospital (UK, 2019) provides an example of the village model.The Broadmoor Hospital (left) follows a ‘village’ arrangement and includes an ‘internal’ treatment hub.

The Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (right) follows a ‘campus’ arrangement and includes an ‘on-edge’ treatment hub." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 1 The Broadmoor Hospital (left) follows a ‘village’ arrangement and includes an ‘internal’ treatment hub. The Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (right) follows a ‘campus’ arrangement and includes an ‘on-edge’ treatment hub.The campus model is not dissimilar to the approach propagated by Dr Henry Thomas Kirkbride, a 19th-century psychiatrist who was active in the design of asylums and whose influence saw this planning arrangement dominate asylum constructions in the USA for many decades.28 Asylums of the ‘Kirkbride plan’ arranged patient accommodation in a series of pavilions linked by corridors. While corridors can be heavily glazed, where this action is not taken, the campus approach can compromise patient and staff connections to landscape views.

Examples of campus hospitals include the Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital (USA, 2012) and the Nixon Forensic Center (USA, under construction).Treatment hubs are a contemporary addition to forensic psychiatric hospitals. These cluster a range of shared patient spaces, including recreational, treatment and vocational training facilities, and thus drive patient movement around or through a hospital site. Two different treatment hub arrangements are in use.

€˜internal’ and ‘on-edge’. Those arranged internally typically place these functions at the heart of the campus and at a significant distance from the secure boundary line. Those arranged on-edge are placed at the far end of campus-model hospitals and, in the most extreme cases, occur adjacent to one of the site’s external boundaries (refer to Figure 1).

Both arrangements aspire to make life within the hospital resemble life beyond the hospital as closely as possible, as the daily practice of walking from an accommodation area to a treatment hub mimics the practice of travelling from home to a place of work or study.With evidence mounting regarding the psychological benefits to patients of landscape access, it should not be assumed that the current preference for campus hospitals over the village model indicates ‘best practice’. A campus arrangement offers security benefits for the movement of patients across a hospital site, while avoiding the associated risks of contraband concealed within landscaped spaces. However, the existence of village hospitals for forensic cohorts suggests it is possible to successfully manage these challenges.

Why then do we see such a strong persistence of the campus hospital?. This preference may be driven by cultural expectations. From 24 forensic psychiatric hospitals surveyed, 10 were located within the USA and all employed the campus model.

Yet nine of those hospitals occupied rural sites where the village model could have been used, suggesting the influence of the Kirkbride plan prevails. The four village hospitals within the broader sample of 31, spanning forensic and non-forensic settings, all occurred within the UK3 and Ireland1. Paetz’s villa model had been the preferred approach to new constructions in these countries since its introduction at close of the 19th century.29 However, a look at UK hospitals in isolation revealed a more even spread of village and campus arrangements, with two of the four UK-based campus hospitals occupying constrained urban sites that required multi-story solutions.

The village model would be inappropriate for achieving this as it does not lend well to urban locations where land availability is scarce.Design approaches to inpatient accommodationThree approaches to inpatient accommodation were identified. €˜peninsula’, ‘race-track’ and ‘courtyard’ (Figure 2). The peninsula model is characterised by rows of inpatient wings, along a single-loaded or double-loaded corridor that stretches into the surrounding landscape.

This typically enables an exterior view from all patient bedrooms and is not dissimilar to the traditional ‘pavilion’ model that emerged within 19th-century hospital design.30 In the racetrack model bedrooms are arranged around a cluster of staff-only (or service) spaces, still enabling exterior views from all patient bedrooms. The courtyard model is similar to the racetrack but includes a central landscape space. Information on the design of inpatient room layouts was available for 24 of the 31 projects analysed (15 of these 24 were forensic).Common inpatient accommodation configurations.

(1) Peninsula. Single-loaded version shown (patient rooms on one side only. Double-loaded versions have patient rooms on two sides of the corridor).

(2) racetrack and (3) courtyard (landscaped). Staff-occupied spaces and support spaces (social space and so on) shown in grey." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 2 Common inpatient accommodation configurations. (1) Peninsula.

Single-loaded version shown (patient rooms on one side only. Double-loaded versions have patient rooms on two sides of the corridor). (2) racetrack and (3) courtyard (landscaped).

Staff-occupied spaces and support spaces (social space and so on) shown in grey.Ten forensic hospitals employed a peninsula plan and five employed a courtyard plan. Of the non-forensic psychiatric hospitals five employed the courtyard, three the racetrack and only one the peninsula plan. While the sample size is too small to generalise, the peninsula plan appears to be favoured for a forensic cohort.

However, cultural trends again emerge. Of the 10 peninsula plan hospitals, 6 were located within the USA, and among the broader sample of 24 (including the non-forensic facilities) none of the courtyard hospitals were located there. Courtyard layouts for forensic patients occurred within the UK, Ireland, Denmark and Sweden.

However, within these countries, a mix of courtyard and peninsula plans were used, suggesting no clear preference for one plan over the other.Each plan type has advantages and disadvantages (Table 2). Courtyard accommodation provides the following benefits. Greater opportunity for patient access to landscape since these are easier for staff to maintain surveillance over.

Additional safety for staff owing to continuous circulation (staff cannot get caught in ‘dead-ends’. However, the presence of corners which are difficult to see around is a drawback). Natural light is more easily available.

And ‘swing bedrooms’ can be supported (this is the ability to reconfigure the number of observable bedrooms on a nursing ward by opening and closing doors at different points within a corridor). However, courtyard accommodation requires a larger site area so is better suited to rural locations than urban and is not well suited to multi-story facilities. Peninsula accommodation enables geographical separation, giving medical teams greater opportunity to manage which patients are housed together (‘cohorting’).

Blind corners can be avoided to assist safety and surveillance. Travel distances can be minimised. Finally, the absence of continuous circulation provides greater flexibility for creating social spaces for patients with graduated degrees of (semi-)privacy.View this table:Table 2 Advantages and disadvantages of peninsula versus courtyard accommodationAnother important consideration related to inpatient accommodation is ward size.

The number of bedrooms clustered together, alongside the amount of dedicated living space associated with these bedrooms. Ward size can influence patient agitation and aggression, alongside ease of supervision, staff anxiety and safety.31 The most common ward sizes were 24 or 32 beds, further subdivided into subclusters of 8 beds. Typically, each ward was provided with one large living space that all 24 or 32 patients used together.

More advanced approaches gave patients a choice of living spaces. For example, at Coalinga Hospital, patients could occupy a small living space available to only 8 patients, or a larger space that all 24 patients had access to. We describe this approach as more advanced since both 19th-century understandings alongside recent research by Ulrich et al confirm that social density (the number of persons per room) is ‘the most consistently important variable for predicting crowding stress and aggressive behaviour’.32 Only six hospitals had plans detailed enough to calculate the square-metre provision of living space per patient, and this varied between 5 and 8 square metres.Limitations of the desktop surveyData from a desktop survey are insufficient to obtain a comprehensive understanding of how design contributes to patient experience.

To overcome this limitation, the following sections combine knowledge about how people use space from environmental psychology, knowledge about the design and consultation processes that guide the construction of these facilities, and understandings from architectural history. History suggests that seemingly small changes to typical design practice can effect significant change in the delivery of mental healthcare, the daily experience of hospitalised patients and more broadly public perceptions of mental illness. This integrated approach is used to identify three forensic psychiatric hospitals that challenge accepted design practice to varying degrees and, in doing so, have the potential to act as change-agents in the delivery of forensic mental healthcare.

But first it is important to understand the context in which architectural innovation is able, or unable, to emerge relative to forensic mental healthcare.Accepting the challenge. Using history to help us see beyond the roadblocks to innovationArchitects tasked with designing forensic mental health facilities respond to what is called a ‘functional brief’. This documents the specific performance requirements of the hospital in question.

Much consultation goes into formulating and refining a functional brief through the initial and developed design stages. Consultation is typically undertaken with a variety of different user groups, and in a sequential fashion that includes a greater cross-section of users as the design progresses, including patients, families, and clinical and security staff. Despite the focus on patient experience within contemporary models of care, functional briefs tend to prioritise safety and security, making them the basis on which most major architectural decisions are made.33 In large part this is simply the reality of accommodating a patient cohort who pose a risk of harm towards themselves and/or others.

A comment from Tom Brooks-Pilling, a member of the design team for the Nixon Forensic Center (Fulton, Missouri), provides insight into this approach and the concerns that drive it. He explained that borrowing a ‘spoked wheel’ arrangement from prison design eliminated blind spots and hiding places to enable a centrally located staff member to:see everything that’s going on in that unit…[they are] basically watching the other staff’s back [sic] to make sure that they can focus on treatment and not worry about who might be sneaking up on them or what activities might be going on behind their backs.34Advisory panel feedback confirmed that when the architectural design of a facility heightens staff anxiety this has direct ramifications for the therapeutic process. For example, in spaces where staff could become isolated from one another, and where clear lines of sight were obstructed, such as ill-designed elevators or stairwells, this can lead to movement being reduced across the patient cohort to avoid putting staff in those spaces where they feel unsafe.The architects consulted during the course of this research, including those who were part of the research team, articulated how the necessary prioritisation of safety, in turn, leads to compromises in the attainment of an ideal environment to support treatment.

In the various forensic and acute psychiatric hospital projects they had been involved with, all observed a sincere commitment on the part of those engaged in project briefing to upholding ideals around privacy, dignity, autonomy and freedom of movement for patients. They reported, however, that the commitment to these ideals was increasingly obstructed as the design process progressed by the more pressing concerns of safety. Examples of the kinds of architectural implications of this prioritisation are things like spatially separated nursing stations (enclosed, often fully glazed), when a desire for less-hierarchical interactions between patients and staff had been expressed at the beginning of the briefing process.

Or the substitution of harder-wearing materials, with a more ‘institutional’ feel when a ‘home-like’ atmosphere had been prioritised initially. There is nothing surprising or unusual about this process since design is, by its nature, a process of seeking improvements on accepted practice while systematically checking the suitability of proposed solutions against a set of performance requirements. In the context of forensic psychiatric hospitals, safety is the performance requirement that most often frustrates the implementation of innovative design.

Thus, amid the complexities of design and procurement relative to forensic psychiatric hospitals, innovation, however humble, and particularly where it can be seen to contribute positively to the patient experience, is worth a closer look.In the historical development of the psychiatric hospital as a building type, two significant departures from accepted design practice facilitated positive change in the treatment of mental illness. The first was Paetz’s development of the village hospital which sought to replace high fences, locked doors and barred windows with ‘humane but stringent supervision’.35 While this planning approach may not have significantly altered models of care, it was regarded as ‘an essential, vital development’, providing architectural support to the prevailing approach to treatment of the time—that of moral treatment—which aimed to extend kindness and respect to patients, in an environment that was as unrestrictive as possible. The York Retreat is worthy of acknowledgement here as a leading proponent of moral treatment whose influence shifted approaches to asylum design, from focusing on the provision of safe custody to supporting the restoration of sanity.

Architecturally, however, the differences in the York Retreat’s approach were mainly focused on interior details that encouraged patients to maintain civil habits. Dining rooms had white tablecloths and flower vases adorned mantelpieces, door locks were custom-made to close quietly, and window bars fashioned to look like domestic window frames.36 The York Retreat was originally a small institution, in line with Samuel Tuke’s preference for a maximum asylum size of 30 patients. History confirms the extent to which this approach was not scalable and thus unable to be replicated widely for asylum construction.

For these reasons, it has not been considered here as a significant departure from accepted design practice.The second significant departure from accepted design practice was the development of acute treatment hospitals, located within cities, adjacent to general hospitals and medical research facilities. The first hospital of this type was the Maudsley Hospital, led by doctors Henry Maudsley and Frederick Mott, in London. The design intent for this hospital was announced in 1908 but it was not opened until 1923.37 In proposing this hospital, Maudsley and Mott were motivated to bring psychiatry ‘into line with the other branches of medical science’.38 This 100-bed facility, located directly across the road from the King’s College (Teaching) Hospital, emulated the general hospital typology in offering both outpatient and short-duration inpatient care, specifically targeted at patients with recent-onset illnesses.

The aspirations were threefold. To avoid the stigma associated with large public asylums. To advance the medical understanding of mental illness through research collaborations with general hospitals and medical schools and via improved teaching programmes.

And to both enable and encourage patients to access early, voluntary treatment on an outpatient basis.38 Today the Maudsley appears unremarkable, an unassuming three-storied building on a busy London street. But the significance of what this building communicated at the time it was constructed, and the extent to which it challenged accepted practice, should not be underestimated. The Maudsley sent a clear message to the public that mental illness was no longer to be regarded as different from any other illness treated within a general hospital setting.

That it was no longer okay to isolate those suffering from mental illness from their families or the neighbourhoods in which they lived.39 Following the announcement of the Maudsley, the ‘psychopathic hospital’ rose to prominence within the USA with Johns Hopkins University Hospital opening the Phipps Psychiatric Clinic, in Baltimore, in 1913. The psychopathic hospital similarly promoted urban locations and closer connections to teaching and research. The Maudsley can be seen to have played a significant role in the shift to treating acute mental illness within general hospital settings.In any discussion of the history of institutional care, there is a responsibility to acknowledge that the aspiration to provide buildings that support care and recovery have not always manifested in ways that improved daily life for patients.

The five treatment values that underpinned the analysis framework for this project are not new values. The extension of privacy and dignity to patients and the delivery of care within the least restrictive environment possible were both firmly embedded in the 19th-century approach of moral treatment. Yet the rapid growth of asylum care frustrated the delivery of those values to patients.40 Choice and independence for patients, the desire for a patient’s recovery progress to be reflected in their environment, and opportunities for peer support and family involvement have been present in approaches to mental health treatment since the formal endorsement of the ‘therapeutic community’ approach to hospital construction and administration in the WHO’s report of 1953.41 History reminds us, therefore, that differences can arise between the stated values on which an institution is designed and those which it is constructed and operated.

The three hospitals discussed in the following section include innovative solutions that hold the promise of positive benefits for patients. Yet we acknowledge this a theoretical analysis. For concrete evidence of a positive relationship between these design outcomes and patient well-being, postoccupancy evaluations are required.Three hospitals contributing to positive change in forensic mental healthcareBroadmoor Hospital.

Optimising the value of the village model for patientsNineteenth-century beliefs and contemporary research are in accord regarding the importance of greenspace in reducing agitation within forensic psychiatric hospital environments and in promoting positive patterns of socialisation.42 It is surprising, therefore, that enshrining daily landscape access for patients is not widespread within current design practice. The Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital and the State Hospital at Carstairs (Scotland) both follow the model of the village hospital, but only in that they comprise a number of accommodation buildings set within the landscape, enclosed by an external boundary fence. At the Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital, the scale of the landscape—the distance between buildings and the lack of intermediate boundaries within the landscape—suggests it is highly unlikely that patients are allowed to navigate this landscape on a regular basis.

By comparison, the architectural response developed for Broadmoor Hospital (2019) shows an exemplary commitment to patient views and access to landscape (Figure 3).Likely extent of landscape occupation by patients as indicated by the position of inner and outer secure boundary lines. (1) Broadmoor Hospital (rural site, UK), (2) Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital (rural site) and (3) Roseberry Hospital (suburban site, UK)." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 3 Likely extent of landscape occupation by patients as indicated by the position of inner and outer secure boundary lines. (1) Broadmoor Hospital (rural site, UK), (2) Irish National Forensic Mental Hospital (rural site) and (3) Roseberry Hospital (suburban site, UK).Five contemporary hospitals follow the logic of a traditional villa hospital, yet Broadmoor is the only one that optimises the benefits offered by this spatial configuration.

Comprising a gateway building and a central treatment hub, with a series of patient accommodation buildings positioned around it, the landscape becomes the only available circulation route for patients travelling off-ward to the shared therapy, recreation and vocational training spaces. Most patients will thus engage with the outdoors at least twice daily on their way to and return from these shared spaces. But in addition to accessing this central landscape, landscape views from patient rooms have been prioritised, and each ward is allocated its own large greenspace.

Multiple, internal boundary fences enable patient access to the adjacent landscape to the greatest possible degree (refer to Figure 3). This approach provides patients with a diversity of landscape experiences. This is important given the patterns of landscape use between forensic and non-forensic hospitals.

In non-forensic facilities, patients are likely to have the choice of accessing multiple landscape spaces, whereas in forensic facilities access to a particular space is often restricted to one cohort, for example, a single ward group. This highlights a limitation of the courtyard model for forensic patients. Roseberry Park Hospital (2012) provides an example of how a high degree of landscape access can be similarly achieved for patients on constrained urban site, using a courtyard layout (refer to Figure 3).Providing patients with daily landscape access provides challenges to maintaining safety and security.

Trees with low branches can be used as weapons, while tall branches can be used for self-harm, and ground cover landscaping increases opportunities to conceal contraband. At the Australian hospital where advisory panel sessions were conducted (constructed in 2000), the landscape is occupied in a similar way and staff conveyed the constant effort required to ensure safe patient access to this greenspace. Significant costs are incurred annually by facilities staff in keeping the greenspace free from contraband and from several varieties of wild mushroom that grow seasonally on the site.

Despite this cost, staff reported that both they and the patients value the opportunity to circulate through the landscaped grounds (even in inclement weather). Hence, the benefits to well-being are perceived as significant enough to justify this cost. These examples make evident that placing a hospital within a landscape is not enough to ensure patients are extended the well-being benefits of ongoing access.

Instead this requires that hospitals factor in the additional supervisory and maintenance requirements to maintain landscape access for patients.Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital. Spaces to support choice and a sense of controlResearch in environmental psychology, conducted within residential and hospital settings, confirms that the ability to regulate social contact can have a dramatic impact on well-being. The physical layout of spaces has been linked to both the likelihood of developing socially supportive relationships and impeding this development, with direct implications for communication, concentration, aggression and a person’s resilience to irritation.43 These problems can be more pronounced in a forensic psychiatric hospital as there is an over-representation of patients who have suffered trauma.

Architects working in forensic psychiatric hospital design acknowledge that patients need space to withdraw from the busy hospital environment, spaces where they can ‘observe everything that is going on around them until they feel ready to join in’.44 It is surprising, therefore, that many contemporary forensic psychiatric hospitals still continue to provide a single social space for all 24 or 32 patients occupying a ward. The Worcester Recovery Center, by comparison, provides patients with a choice of social spaces that are designed to enable graduated degrees of social engagement. This can support a sense of control to limit socially induced stress.Worcester is conceptualised as three distinct zones designed to resemble life beyond the hospital.

The ‘house’, ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’ (Figure 4). The house zones include patient accommodation, employing a peninsula model. Each comprises 26 patient rooms, clustered into groups of 6 or 10 single bedrooms that face a collection of shared spaces dedicated to that cluster, including sitting areas, lounges and therapeutic spaces.

A shared kitchen and dining room is provided for each house. Three houses feed into a neighbourhood zone that includes shared spaces for therapy and vocational training, while the downtown zone serves a total of 14 houses. The downtown zone can be accessed by patients based on a merit system and includes a café, bank and retail spaces, music room, health club, chapel, green house, library and art rooms, alongside large interior public spaces.

This array of amenities does not seem distinctly different from other contemporary facilities, where therapy and vocational training happen in a mix of on-ward and off-ward (often within a central treatment hub). The difference lies in the sensitivity of how these spaces are articulated.Details of the social spaces provided on each ward at the Worcester Recovery Center and the proximity of the ‘house’ (or ward) to the ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 4 Details of the social spaces provided on each ward at the Worcester Recovery Center and the proximity of the ‘house’ (or ward) to the ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘downtown’.The generosity of providing separate living spaces for every 6–10 patients and locating these directly across the corridor from the patient rooms supports a sense of control and choice for patients. Frank Pitts, an architect who worked on the Worcester project, has written that this was done to enable patients to ‘decide whether they are ready to step out and socialise or return to the privacy of their room’.45 This approach filters throughout the facility, providing a slow graduation of social engagement opportunities for patients, from opportunities to socialise with their cluster of 6–10 individuals, to their house of 26, to their neighbourhood of 78 people, to the full downtown experience.

According to the architects, the neighbourhood thus provides an intermediary zone between the quiet house and the active downtown, which can be overwhelming for some patients.46 Importantly the scale of the architecture responds to this transition from personal to public space, providing visual indicators to reflect patients’ movement through their treatment journey. Spaces become larger as they move further from the ward. This occurs because instead of providing a single, large shared living space, patients are provided a choice of smaller spaces to occupy—these are not much bigger than a patient bedroom.

Dining spaces are slightly larger, while downtown spaces have a civic quality. These are double-height, providing a greater sense of light and airiness. These are arranged in a semicircle, opening onto a large veranda and greenspace.

The sensitive articulation of these spaces, with regard to both their graduated physical scale and the proximity of the social spaces to the patient bedrooms, provides spatial support to these social transitions while empowering patients to control their own level of social interaction.Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare. Creating opportunities for greater public engagement and supporting readjustment to the world beyond the hospitalOne of the most significant barriers to mental health treatment is the stigma associated with admission to a psychiatric hospital. We know that discrimination poses an obstacle to recovery and that the media fuels public fears related to forensic mental health patients.47 Two further challenges to mental health delivery include the disconnection patients can experience from the community, including from family and educational opportunities, and the risk of readmission in the period immediately following discharge.48 If architecture is capable of acting as a change-agent in the delivery of mental healthcare, then it needs to show leadership, not only in the provision of a better experience for patients but more broadly in taking steps to help shift public perceptions around mental illness.

The Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare (MCJC) (Canada) displays several similarities with the approach taken to the Maudsley Hospital. Its appearance communicates a modern, cutting-edge healthcare facility. It does not hide on a rural site or behind walls.

At five stories, and extensively glazed, MCJC communicates a strong civic presence. Its proximity to McMaster University (6 km) and to neighbouring general hospitals, including Juravinski Hospital (4 km) and Hamilton General Hospital (4 km), positions it well for research collaborations to occur, while its proximity to the Mohawk Community College, across the road, can enable patients with leave privileges to access vocational training. More importantly, it employs three innovative design tactics to target the challenges of contemporary forensic mental healthcare, providing an example for how architecture might broker positive change.The first innovative design strategy is the co-location of support services for outpatient mental healthcare.

The risk of readmission is highest immediately following discharge. A lack of collaboration between outpatient support services can result in fragmented care when patients are most vulnerable to the stresses associated with readjustment to the world beyond.49 MCJC includes outpatient facilities allowing patients to use the hospital as a stable base, or touchstone, in adjusting to life after discharge. Bringing these services onto the same physical site can also improve opportunities for coordination between inpatient and outpatient support services which can support continuity of care.

The second design strategy is the co-location of a medical ambulatory care centre which includes diagnostic imaging, educational and research facilities. This creates reasons for the general public to visit this facility, setting up the opportunity for greater public interaction. This could potentially advance understandings of the role of this facility and the patients it treats.The third innovative design strategy was to optimise the on-edge treatment hub for public engagement.

While adopted across a number of hospitals, including Hawaii State Hospital, Helix Forensic Psychiatry Clinic (Sweden) and the Worcester Recovery Center, the on-edge treatment hubs at these hospitals are buried deep inside the secure outer boundary. At MCJC, the treatment hub is placed adjacent to the public zones of the hospital—although on the second floor—and this can be viewed as extension of the public realm and enables the potential for the public to be brought right up to the secure boundary line (which occurs within the building). MCJC is divided into four zones.

The public zone, the galleria (the name given to the treatment hub), the clinical corridor and inpatient accommodation (Figure 5). The galleria functions similarly to the downtown at the Worcester Recovery Center. Patients are given graduated access to a series of spaces that support their recovery journey.

These include a gym, wellness centre, spiritual centre, library, café, beauty salon, and retail and financial services, alongside patient and family support services. While the galleria was initially intended to be accessible by the general public, this was not immediately implemented on the facilities’ opening and it is unclear whether this has now occurred.50 Nonetheless, the potential for movement of patients outwards, and families inwards, has been built into the physical fabric of this building, meaning opportunities for social interaction and fostering greater public understanding are possible. If understanding is the antidote to discrimination, then exposing the public to the role of this facility and the patients it treats is an important step in the right direction.Zoning configuration at the Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare.

The galleria zone is on the second floor (shown in black). The arrows indicate main access points to the galleria. Lifts (L) and stairwell (S) positions are indicated." data-icon-position data-hide-link-title="0">Figure 5 Zoning configuration at the Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare.

The galleria zone is on the second floor (shown in black). The arrows indicate main access points to the galleria. Lifts (L) and stairwell (S) positions are indicated.ConclusionThe question of how architecture can support the therapeutic journey of forensic mental health patients is a critical one.

Yet the availability of evidence-based design literature to guide designers cannot keep pace with growing global demand for new forensic psychiatric hospital facilities, while limitations remain relative to the breadth and usability of this research. A narrow view of what constitutes credible evidence can overlook the value of knowledge embedded in architectural practice, alongside that held by architectural historians and lessons from environmental psychology. In respect of such a pressing and important problem, there is a responsibility to integrate knowledge from across these disciplines.

Accepting the limitations of a theoretical analysis and of the desktop survey method, we also argue for its value. Architects learn through experience, across multiple projects. This gives weight to the value of examining existing, contemporary design solutions to identify architectural innovations capable of providing benefits to patients and thus perhaps worthy of implementation across multiple projects.

History gives us reason to believe that small changes to typical design practice can improve the delivery of mental healthcare, the daily experience of hospitalised patients and more broadly public perceptions of mental illness. Architecture has the capacity to contribute to positive change.Here, we have provided a nuanced way for architects and decision makers to think about the relationship between architectural space and treatment values. An institution’s model of care and the therapeutic values that underpin that model of care should be placed at the centre of architectural decision making.

A survey of contemporary architectural solutions confirms that, generally speaking, innovation is lacking in this field. There will always be real obstacles to innovation, and the argument presented here does not suggest it is necessarily practical to prioritise therapeutic values at the cost of patient, staff and community safety. Instead, it challenges architects and decision makers to properly interrogate any architectural decision that compromises an initial commitment to supporting a patient’s treatment journey—to be more idealistic in the pursuit of positive change.Tangible examples exist of architectural innovations capable of positively improving patient experience by supporting key values that underpin contemporary treatment approaches.

The Broadmoor Hospital optimises the value of the village model for patients, prioritising patient needs for frequent landscape engagement to support their therapeutic journey. The Worcester Recovery Center provides a generous choice and graduation of social spaces to support the social reintegration of patients at their own pace. MCJC co-located facilities to support a patient’s readjustment to daily life postdischarge, while creating opportunities for public engagement that has the potential to foster greater public understanding of the role of these institutions and the patients they treat.

In identifying these three innovative design approaches, we provide architects with tangible design tactics, while encouraging researchers to look more closely at these examples with targeted, postoccupancy studies. These projects provide hope that with a shared vision and commitment, innovation is possible in forensic psychiatric hospital design, with tangible benefits for patients.Data availability statementAll data relevant to the study are included in the article or uploaded as supplementary information. The primary method undertaken for this research relied on data publicly available on the internet.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.AcknowledgmentsThe opportunity to conduct this project arose out of a multidisciplinary master-planning and feasibility study, commissioned by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority, to investigate various international solutions to inform future planning and design around forensic mental health service provision.

The following people contributed their time and expertise in shaping the research process that enabled this article. Neel Charitra, Stefano Scalzo, Les Potter, Margaret Grigg, Lousie Bawden, Matthew Balaam, Martin Gilbert, John MacAllister, Crystal James, Jo Ryan, Julie Anderson, Jo Wasley, Sophie Patitsas, Meagan Thompson, Judith Hemsworth, James Watson, Viviana Lazzarini, Krysti Henderson, Nadia Jaworski, Jack Kerlin and Jan Merchant.Notes1. Jamie O'Donahoo and Janette Graetz Simmonds (2016), “Forensic Patients and Forensic Mental Health in Victoria.

Legal Context, Clinical Pathways, and Practice Challenges,” Australian Social Work 69, no. 2. 169–80.2.

The challenge of which terminology to select when writing about psychiatric hospital design remains difficult relative to the stigmas that surround this field. The term ‘patient’ has been used throughout, instead of ‘consumer’, as this article spans both historical and contemporary developments. In the context of this timespan, consumer is a relatively recent term, introduced around 1985.3.

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D Seamon, 2000, “A Way of Seeing People and Place,” in Theoretical Perspectives in Environment-Behavior Research, ed. S. Wapner, J.

Demick, T. Yamamoto and H. Minami (New York.

Plenum), 157–78.17. Thomas A Markus (1982), Order in Space and Society. Architectural Form and Its Context in the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh.

Mainstream Publishing Company).18. Ulrich et al., “A Review of the Research Literature,” 61–125.19. This was first created by first author for use for historical analysis during her PhD and is applied here to a contemporary setting.

Refer to McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily.”20. The following documents were referenced in compiling this list. Joint Commission Panel for Mental Health, NHS, UK (2013), “Guidance for Commissioners of Forensic Mental Health Services,” May, https://www.jcpmh.info/resource/guidance-for-commissioners-of-forensic-mental-health-services/.

Cannon Design (2014), “St Joseph’s Integrated Healthcare Hamilton, Margaret and Charles Juravinski Centre for Integrated Healthcare,” Healthcare Design Showcase, September. Health Nexus Group, 2017, “Forensicare Model of Care Report,” April, Australia (access provided by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority). Donald Cant Watts Corke (2014), “Service Plan for Forensic Mental Health Services,” July, Australia (access provided by the Victorian Health and Human Services Building Authority).21.

Sometimes this includes patients with no history of criminal behaviour but who are unable to be treated safely in a general hospital environment.22. W.A.F Browne (1991), "What Asylums Were, Are and Ought to Be (1837),” reprinted in The Asylum as Utopia. W.A.F.

Browne and the Mid-Nineteenth Century Consolidation of Psychiatry, ed. Andrew Scull (London. Tavistock).

Morgan Andersson et al. (2013), “New Swedish Forensic Psychiatric Facilities,” 24–38. Eggert et al., “Person-Environment Interaction.”23.

Anon (1895), “Review. The Colonization of the Insane in Connection with the Open-Door System. Its Historical Development and the Mode in Which It Is Carried Out at Alt Scherbitz Manor.

By Dr. Albrecht Paetz, Director of the Provincial Institution for the Insane (Berlin. Springer, 1983),” The Journal of Mental Science 41.

697–703.24. Theodore Gray (1958), The Very Error of the Moon (Ilfracombe &. Devon.

Arthur H. Stockwell Ltd), 64.25. John Galt (1854), “The Farm of St.

Anne,” American Journal of Insanity II (1854). 352.26. Galt, “The Farm of St.

Anne,” 352.27. Martin James (1948), “Diagnostic Measures,” in Modern Trends in Psychological Medicine, ed. Noel Haris (London.

World Health Organization (1953), The Community Mental Hospital. Third Report of the Expert Committee on Mental Health (Geneva. WHO).28.

Carla Yanni (2007), The Architecture of Madness. Insane Asylums in the United States. Minneapolis (London.

University of Minnesota Press).29. Key British examples included the 1923 rebuild of London’s Bethlem Hospital which followed the villa model, alongside Shenley Park Mental Hospital (Middlesex County) and Barrow Mental Hospital (Somerset), both constructed in the early 1930s.30. Taylor, Hospital and Asylum Architecture in England.31.

Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 53–66. O. Jenkins, S.

Dye and C. Foy (2015) (Oliver Jenkins et al., 2015), “A Study of Agitation, Conflict and Containment in Association With Change in Ward Physical Environment,” Journal of Psychiatric Intensive Care 11, no. 01.

Mayer, and T. Martin (2004), “Environmental Contributors to Aggression in Two Forensic Psychiatric Hospitals,” International Journal of Forensic Mental Health 3 no. 1.

(1994), “Patient Overcrowding in Psychiatric Hospital Units. Effects on Seclusion and Restraint,” Administration and Policy in Mental Health 22, no. 2.

133–44. T. T Palmstierna, B Huitfeldt, and B Wistedt (1991), “The Relationship of Crowding and Aggressive Behavior on a Psychiatric Intensive Care Unit,” Psychiatric Services 42, no.

12. 1237–40.32. Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 57.

Charles Mercier (1894), Lunatic Asylums. Their Organisation and Management (London. Charles Griffin and Company), 135.33.

Morgan Andersson et al. (2013), “New Swedish Forensic Psychiatric Facilities,” 24–38. Joel A Dvoskin et al.

(2002), “Architectural Design of a Secure Forensic State Psychiatric Hospital,” Behavioral Scients &. The Law, 20, no. 3.

Maclnnes (1999), “The Relationship between Building Design and Escapes from Secure Units,” Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health 119, no. 3. 170–4.

Jon E. Eggert et al. (2014), “Person-Environment Interaction,” 527–38.34.

Tom Brooks-Pilling cited in Mike Lear (2015), “Designer. New Fulton State Hospital Will Be Better, Safer,” Missourinet, January 5, https://www.missourinet.com/2015/01/05/designer-new-fulton-state-hospital-will-be-better-safer/35. Leslie Topp (2007), “The Modern Mental Hospital in Late Nineteenth-Century Germany and Austria.

Psychiatric Space and Images of Freedom and Control,” in Madness, Architecture and the Built Environment. Psychiatric Spaces in Historical Context, ed. Leslie Topp, James Moran and Jonathan Andrews (London and New York.

Routledge), 244.36. McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily,” 35. Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine.37.

Anon (1908), “Proposed New Hospital for Mental Diseases,” The Lancet 171, no. 4410. 728–9.38.

Anon, “Proposed New Hospital for Mental Diseases.”39. McLaughlan, “One Dose of Architecture, Taken Daily.”40. Samuel Tuke (1964), “Description of the Retreat (1813),” reprinted in Description of the Retreat With an Introduction by Richard Hunter and Ida Macalpine (London.

Dawsons of Paul Mall). Scull, Museums of Madness. Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine.

Smith, Cure, Comfort and Safe Custody.41. World Health Organization (1953), The Community Mental Hospital. Also refer to T.F Main (1946), “The Hospital as a Therapeutic Institution”, Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic 10, no.

3. 66–71. David Clark (1965), “The Therapeutic Community Concept, Practice and Future,” The Journal of Mental Science 111.

947–54.42. Jolanda Maas et al. (2009), “Social Contacts as a Possible Mechanism behind the Relation between Green Space and Health,” Health &.

Gayle Souter-Brown (2015), Landscape and Urban Design for Health and Well-Being. Using Healing, Sensory and Therapeutic Gardens (Oxon &. New York.

Routledge). Ulrich et al., “A Review of the Research Literature,” 61–125.43. Leon Festinger et al.

(1950), Social Pressures in Informal Groups. A Study of Human Factors in Housing, vol. 11 (New York.

Harper Bros). David Halpern (1995), Mental Health and the Built Environment. More than Bricks and Mortar?.

Baum and G.E. Davis (1980), “Reducing the Stress of High-Density Living. An Architectural Intervention,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 38, no.

Altman and M.M. Chemers (1984), Culture and Environment (Monterey, CA. Brooks &.

Cole Publishing). Gary W Evans (2003), “The Built Environment and Mental Health,” Journal of Urban Health. Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 80 no.

4. 536–55. Ulrich et al., “Psychiatric Ward Design Can Reduce Aggressive Behavior,” 53–66.44.

Stence Guldager cited in Troldtekt, “Innovative Architecture is Good for Mental Health,” https://www.troldtekt.com/News/Themes/Healing_architecture/Innovative_architecture_is_good_for_mental_health (accessed June 30, 2019). Clare Hickman and “Cheerful Prospects (2009).45. Frank Pitts cited in Patricia Wen (2012), “For Mentally Ill, A Design Departure,” B News, August 16, https://www.boston.com/news/local-news/2012/08/16/for-mentally-ill-a-design-departure46.

Ellenzweig with Architecture Plus, “Massachusetts Department of Mental Health, Worcester Recovery Center and Hospital – Worcester, MA,” Healthcare Design (2013), July 30, https://www.healthcaredesignmagazine.com/architecture/massachusetts-department-mental-health-worcester-recovery-center-and-hospital-worcester-ma/47. Sane Australia (2003), “A Life Without Stigma,” July 25, http://apo.org.au/resource/life-without-stigma. Otto F Wahl (2012), “Stigma as a Barrier to Recovery from Mental Illness,” Trends in Cognitive Sciences 16, no.

1. 9–10. New Zealand Ministry of Health and Health Promotion Agency (2014), “Like Minds, Like Mine National Plan 2014–2019.

Programme to Increase Social Inclusion and Reduce Stigma and Discrimination for People with Experience of Mental Illness,” May 20, https://www.likeminds.org.nz/assets/National-Plans/like-minds-like-mine-national-plan-2014-2019-may14.pdf. G Moon (2000), “Risk and Protection. The Discourse of Confinement in Contemporary Mental Health Policy," Health &.

R. Allen and R.G. Nairn (1997), “Media Depictions of Mental Illness.

An Analysis of the Use of Dangerousness,” Australian &. New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 31, no. 3.

375–81. Greg Philo et al. (1994), “The Impact of the Mass Media on Public Images of Mental Illness.

Media Content and Audience Belief,” Health Education Journal 53, no. 3. 271–81.48.

G Moon (2000), “Risk and Protection,” 239–50. T.F Main (1948), “Rehabilitation and the Individual,” in Modern Trends in Psychological Medicine, ed. Noel Haris (London.

D.A Fuller, E. Sinclair, and J. Snook (2016), “Released, Relapsed, Rehospitalized.

Length of Stay and Readmission Rates in State Hospitals. A Comparative State Survey,” 2016, https://www.treatmentadvocacycenter.org/storage/documents/released-relapsed-rehospitalized.pdf. Leila Salem et al.

(2015), “Supportive Housing and Forensic Patient Outcomes,” Law and Human Behavior 39, no. 3. 311.49.

National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence, Manchester (2016), “Transition between Inpatient Mental Health Settings and Community or Care Home Settings. Guideline,” August, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ng53/evidence/full-guideline-pdf-260695191750. Catherine Clark Ahern et al.

(2016), “A Recovery-Oriented Care Approach,” 47..

Is zithromax z pak

[Editor’s note is zithromax z pak click. If you or someone you know is in a crisis, please call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255), or contact the Crisis Text Line by texting TALK to 741741. In Colorado, you can also contact Colorado Crisis Services at 1-844-493-TALK (8255) is zithromax z pak or text TALK to 38255.] KIOWA, Colo.

€” The yellow-and-green facade of Patty Ann’s Cafe stands out on the main street of this ranching community just 25 miles from the Denver suburbs. Before the zithromax, the cafe was a place for ranchers to gather for meals and to swap stories. “Some people would call is zithromax z pak it almost like a conference room,” said Lance Wheeler, a local rancher and regular at the cafe.

€œThere are some guys that, if you drive by Patty Ann’s at a certain time of day, their car or truck will always be there on certain days.” When buy antibiotics restrictions closed in-person dining across Colorado last year, Patty Ann’s opened a takeout window. Customers spread their food on the hoods of their trucks and ate there while sharing news and commiserating over the stresses of ranching during the zithromax. Keeping that community hub operating has been vital for the ranchers around Kiowa as the zithromax takes its toll on mental health in agricultural communities where health providers are scarce and a “pull yourself up is zithromax z pak by your own bootstraps” mentality is prevalent.

Wheeler heads into Patty Ann’s Cafe for lunch. Ranchers often come to the Kiowa, Colorado, cafe for breakfast or lunch, which Wheeler said is a way to connect with others experiencing similar stresses. €œThat’s your support group, because you have commonality, a is zithromax z pak common experience, common difficulty.” (Eli Imadali for KHN) Roberta Kusma (left) laughs with her old friend Betty Hood at Patty Ann’s Cafe.

The two worked in the same building when it was a grocery store years ago. (Eli Imadali for KHN) The zithromax over the past year has been a surprising boon for many farms and ranches as higher consumer demand amid food shortages has boosted business. But coupled with everyday worries about weather and commodity prices, the zithromax also has led to mental health challenges, including serious stress, anxiety and depression is zithromax z pak among farmers and ranchers, health officials said.

The American Farm Bureau Federation found that about 3 in 5 rural adults reported that the zithromax has affected mental health in their communities, while two-thirds of farmers and farmworkers said the zithromax has impacted their mental health. Treatment for mental health problems caused or worsened by the stress and isolation of the zithromax has obstacles particular to ranching and farming country. The stigma of acknowledging the need for mental health care can is zithromax z pak prevent people from seeking it.

For those who overcome that obstacle and look for help, they are likely to find underfunded, understaffed and underequipped health providers who often don’t have the bandwidth or expertise for sufficient mental health support. €œI guess my cows are my therapists,” joked Wheeler. The 54-year-old rancher said he has felt the stress of the added responsibility of providing meat is zithromax z pak to customers in a time of food shortages, particularly at the beginning of the zithromax.

But he feels lucky to have a family that supports him. Because drought has impeded hay production in Colorado, Wheeler has had to have bales shipped in from South Dakota. Wheeler says the lack is zithromax z pak of rain has been his biggest stressor.

(Eli Imadali for KHN) Similar to other Rocky Mountain states, Colorado has one of the highest suicide rates in the country. The rates are often worse in the state’s rural communities, a factor consistent with rural Americans’ risks nationwide. A Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report examining 2001-15 data found the suicide rate in rural counties was more than 17 per 100,000 people, compared with about 15 per 100,000 in small and medium-sized metro counties and about 12 per 100,000 in large metro is zithromax z pak counties.

Kiowa is in Elbert County, whose 1,850 square miles of mostly dusty, flat plains start where the affluent bedroom communities of Denver end. The county has no urgent care center or hospital is zithromax z pak like its suburban neighbors, just four clinics to serve a population of 27,000. A health care center in Elizabeth, Colorado, offers counseling, among other services.

The few physical and mental health resources available in Elbert County are concentrated in the west, closer to Denver. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Dwayne Smith, Elbert County’s is zithromax z pak public health director, said that to help solve the problem residents need to talk with their health providers as candidly about their mental health challenges as about skin cancer or heart disease. €œIn a more conservative community, where historically mental health issues may not have been talked about as openly and as comfortably as in the [Denver] area, you have to work diligently to increase people’s comfort level,” Smith said.

€œEven saying the words ‘anxiety,’ ‘depression,’ ‘mental health’ — all those things that in prior generations were very much a taboo subject.” Elbert County Public Health Director Dwayne Smith poses outside the Department of Health and Human Services, surrounded by prairie. (Eli Imadali for KHN) The public health is zithromax z pak crisis is just an added burden to the already high stress on people in the agricultural industry. €œFarmers and ranchers are absorbing a lot of the shocks to the system for us.

Hailstorms, pest outbreaks, drought, markets — they’re adjusting for all that to keep food production moving,” said Colorado’s agriculture commissioner, Kate Greenberg. Unpredictable weather, a volatile commodity market and a 700-acre grass fire cost Laura Negley, a rancher in the southeastern is zithromax z pak town of Eads, a lot of income around 2012. Negley’s and her husband’s families have been in agriculture since the late 1600s and early 1700s, and they are now the third generation on the same Colorado land.

But she was devastated after those losses, followed by her youngest child’s departure for college. €œThat’s kind of when the wheels fell off is zithromax z pak for me. And then I kind of spiraled down,” Negley said.

The zithromax exacerbated Laura Negley’s anxiety, isolating her from extended family and causing worry about her elderly parents.(Eli Imadali for KHN) Negley, now 59, said she initially didn’t recognize she needed help even though she was deep into her “dark place” of depression and anxiety, but her brother encouraged her to see a counselor near him in Greeley. So, when the cattle were done is zithromax z pak grazing for the season, Negley spent six winter weeks getting counseling 200 miles north. Those visits eventually transitioned to phone counseling and an anti-anxiety medication.

€œI do think you have to have a support group,” said Negley, who said her faith has helped her, too. Over the years, is zithromax z pak slashed budgets to local health departments have cut to the bone. In Elbert County, Smith is one of just three full-time employees in his department.

About 15 years ago, it had at least six nurses. It now is zithromax z pak has none. It is trying to hire one.

€œWe have a lack of health providers” in rural America, Negley said. €œThe ones we do have are doing their best — but they’re trying to wear multiple is zithromax z pak hats.” Negley talks with son Jayce as he repairs a sweep plow on their family land in Eads, Colorado. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Negley’s and her husband’s families have been in agriculture since the late 1600s and early 1700s, and they are now the third generation on the same Colorado land.

(Eli Imadali for KHN) Stressors like severe drought and exhaustion from is zithromax z pak unrelenting hard work can lead to mental health struggles for farmers and ranchers. Negley will likely not have cattle this year because drought impeded grass growth.(Eli Imadali for KHN) Agencies in Colorado recognize the need to improve mental health services offered to rural residents. Colorado Crisis Services has a hotline and text-messaging number to refer people to free, confidential support.

And the state is working on tailored messaging campaigns to help farmers and ranchers understand those numbers are free and confidential to is zithromax z pak contact. These services can help. According to the CDC, for every adult death by suicide, about 230 people think seriously about suicide.

A bill introduced in Colorado’s legislature would boost funding for rural rehabilitation specialists and help provide vouchers for rural is zithromax z pak Coloradans to get behavioral health services. €œWe have to be flexible. What works in Denver does not work in La Junta” or the rest of rural Colorado, said Robert Werthwein, director of the state’s Office of Behavioral Health.

But in is zithromax z pak tightknit small towns, ranchers say, even if the resources are there the stigma remains. €œThese are normal people with normal problems. We’re just trying to, perhaps first and foremost, destigmatize mental health needs and resources,” Smith said.

€œTimecards and schedules have had no meaning for the past year,” says Smith, one of is zithromax z pak three full-time employees in his department. €œIt’s just been never-ending.” (Eli Imadali for KHN) Stigmas are something 26-year-old Jacob Walter and his family want to help tackle. As Walter was growing up, a friend’s father and another friend’s mother died by suicide.

Before Walter is zithromax z pak left the family’s ranch in southeastern Colorado to start his sophomore year in college, he lost his own father, Rusty, to suicide in 2016. Walter said there were few local resources at the time to help people like his dad, and the nearest town was 45 minutes away. Rusty was involved in many community service organizations and gave a lot of his time to others, Walter said, but he suffered from depression.

€œThe day before he committed suicide, we had been talking is zithromax z pak at the kitchen table, and he was just talking about [his depression], and he said. €˜You know, you can always get help and stuff.’” That’s the message agricultural leaders like Ray Atkinson, communications director at the American Farm Bureau Federation, say should be conveyed most. It’s OK to acknowledge when you need help.

€œIf your tractor needed maintenance … you would stop is zithromax z pak what you’re doing and you’d get it working right before you go try and go out in the field,” Atkinson said. €œYou are the most important piece of equipment on your farm.” Cattle eat hay on Rafter W Ranch near Simla, Colorado. Drought hasn’t allowed grazing on grassy pastures.

(Eli Imadali for KHN) [Editor’s note is zithromax z pak. If you or someone you know is in a crisis, please call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255), or contact the Crisis Text Line by texting TALK to 741741. In Colorado, you can also contact Colorado Crisis Services at 1-844-493-TALK (8255) or text TALK to 38255.] Related Topics Contact Us Submit a Story Tip.

[Editor’s note where can i buy zithromax over the counter http://childrenstherapyassociates.com/?p=29. If you or someone you know is in a crisis, please call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255), or contact the Crisis Text Line by texting TALK to 741741. In Colorado, you where can i buy zithromax over the counter can also contact Colorado Crisis Services at 1-844-493-TALK (8255) or text TALK to 38255.] KIOWA, Colo. €” The yellow-and-green facade of Patty Ann’s Cafe stands out on the main street of this ranching community just 25 miles from the Denver suburbs. Before the zithromax, the cafe was a place for ranchers to gather for meals and to swap stories.

“Some where can i buy zithromax over the counter people would call it almost like a conference room,” said Lance Wheeler, a local rancher and regular at the cafe. €œThere are some guys that, if you drive by Patty Ann’s at a certain time of day, their car or truck will always be there on certain days.” When buy antibiotics restrictions closed in-person dining across Colorado last year, Patty Ann’s opened a takeout window. Customers spread their food on the hoods of their trucks and ate there while sharing news and commiserating over the stresses of ranching during the zithromax. Keeping that community hub operating has been vital where can i buy zithromax over the counter for the ranchers around Kiowa as the zithromax takes its toll on mental health in agricultural communities where health providers are scarce and a “pull yourself up by your own bootstraps” mentality is prevalent. Wheeler heads into Patty Ann’s Cafe for lunch.

Ranchers often come to the Kiowa, Colorado, cafe for breakfast or lunch, which Wheeler said is a way to connect with others experiencing similar stresses. €œThat’s your support group, because you have commonality, a common experience, common difficulty.” (Eli Imadali where can i buy zithromax over the counter for KHN) Roberta Kusma (left) laughs with her old friend Betty Hood at Patty Ann’s Cafe. The two worked in the same building when it was a grocery store years ago. (Eli Imadali for KHN) The zithromax over the past year has been a surprising boon for many farms and ranches as higher consumer demand amid food shortages has boosted business. But coupled with everyday worries about weather and commodity prices, the zithromax also where can i buy zithromax over the counter has led to mental health challenges, including serious stress, anxiety and depression among farmers and ranchers, health officials said.

The American Farm Bureau Federation found that about 3 in 5 rural adults reported that the zithromax has affected mental health in their communities, while two-thirds of farmers and farmworkers said the zithromax has impacted their mental health. Treatment for mental health problems caused or worsened by the stress and isolation of the zithromax has obstacles particular to ranching and farming country. The stigma of acknowledging the need for mental health care can prevent people from where can i buy zithromax over the counter seeking it. For those who overcome that obstacle and look for help, they are likely to find underfunded, understaffed and underequipped health providers who often don’t have the bandwidth or expertise for sufficient mental health support. €œI guess my cows are my therapists,” joked Wheeler.

The 54-year-old rancher said he has felt the stress of the added responsibility of providing meat to customers in a time of food shortages, particularly at the where can i buy zithromax over the counter beginning of the zithromax. But he feels lucky to have a family that supports him. Because drought has impeded hay production in Colorado, Wheeler has had to have bales shipped in from South Dakota. Wheeler says where can i buy zithromax over the counter the lack of rain has been his biggest stressor. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Similar to other Rocky Mountain states, Colorado has one of the highest suicide rates in the country.

The rates are often worse in the state’s rural communities, a factor consistent with rural Americans’ risks nationwide. A Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report examining 2001-15 where can i buy zithromax over the counter data found the suicide rate in rural counties was more than 17 per 100,000 people, compared with about 15 per 100,000 in small and medium-sized metro counties and about 12 per 100,000 in large metro counties. Kiowa is in Elbert County, whose 1,850 square miles of mostly dusty, flat plains start where the affluent bedroom communities of Denver end. The county has no urgent care center or hospital like its where can i buy zithromax over the counter suburban neighbors, just four clinics to serve a population of 27,000. A health care center in Elizabeth, Colorado, offers counseling, among other services.

The few physical and mental health resources available in Elbert County are concentrated in the west, closer to Denver. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Dwayne Smith, Elbert County’s public health director, said that to help solve the problem residents need to talk with their health providers as candidly about their mental health challenges as about where can i buy zithromax over the counter skin cancer or heart disease. €œIn a more conservative community, where historically mental health issues may not have been talked about as openly and as comfortably as in the [Denver] area, you have to work diligently to increase people’s comfort level,” Smith said. €œEven saying the words ‘anxiety,’ ‘depression,’ ‘mental health’ — all those things that in prior generations were very much a taboo subject.” Elbert County Public Health Director Dwayne Smith poses outside the Department of Health and Human Services, surrounded by prairie. (Eli Imadali for KHN) The public health crisis is just an added where can i buy zithromax over the counter burden to the already high stress on people in the agricultural industry.

€œFarmers and ranchers are absorbing a lot of the shocks to the system for us. Hailstorms, pest outbreaks, drought, markets — they’re adjusting for all that to keep food production moving,” said Colorado’s agriculture commissioner, Kate Greenberg. Unpredictable weather, a volatile commodity market and a 700-acre grass fire cost Laura Negley, a rancher in the southeastern town of Eads, a lot of income around where can i buy zithromax over the counter 2012. Negley’s and her husband’s families have been in agriculture since the late 1600s and early 1700s, and they are now the third generation on the same Colorado land. But she was devastated after those losses, followed by her youngest child’s departure for college.

€œThat’s kind where can i buy zithromax over the counter of when the wheels fell off for me. And then I kind of spiraled down,” Negley said. The zithromax exacerbated Laura Negley’s anxiety, isolating her from extended family and causing worry about her elderly parents.(Eli Imadali for KHN) Negley, now 59, said she initially didn’t recognize she needed help even though she was deep into her “dark place” of depression and anxiety, but her brother encouraged her to see a counselor near him in Greeley. So, when where can i buy zithromax over the counter the cattle were done grazing for the season, Negley spent six winter weeks getting counseling 200 miles north. Those visits eventually transitioned to phone counseling and an anti-anxiety medication.

€œI do think you have to have a support group,” said Negley, who said her faith has helped her, too. Over the years, slashed budgets to where can i buy zithromax over the counter local health departments have cut to the bone. In Elbert County, Smith is one of just three full-time employees in his department. About 15 years ago, it had at least six nurses. It now where can i buy zithromax over the counter has none.

It is trying to hire one. €œWe have a lack of health providers” in rural America, Negley said. €œThe ones we do have are doing their best where can i buy zithromax over the counter — but they’re trying to wear multiple hats.” Negley talks with son Jayce as he repairs a sweep plow on their family land in Eads, Colorado. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Negley’s and her husband’s families have been in agriculture since the late 1600s and early 1700s, and they are now the third generation on the same Colorado land. (Eli Imadali for KHN) Stressors like severe drought and exhaustion from unrelenting hard work can lead to mental health struggles where can i buy zithromax over the counter for farmers and ranchers.

Negley will likely not have cattle this year because drought impeded grass growth.(Eli Imadali for KHN) Agencies in Colorado recognize the need to improve mental health services offered to rural residents. Colorado Crisis Services has a hotline and text-messaging number to refer people to free, confidential support. And the state is working on tailored messaging campaigns to help farmers and ranchers understand where can i buy zithromax over the counter those numbers are free and confidential to contact. These services can help. According to the CDC, for every adult death by suicide, about 230 people think seriously about suicide.

A bill introduced in Colorado’s legislature would boost funding for rural rehabilitation specialists and help provide vouchers for where can i buy zithromax over the counter rural Coloradans to get behavioral health services. €œWe have to be flexible. What works in Denver does not work in La Junta” or the rest of rural Colorado, said Robert Werthwein, director of the state’s Office of Behavioral Health. But in tightknit small towns, where can i buy zithromax over the counter ranchers say, even if the resources are there the stigma remains. €œThese are normal people with normal problems.

We’re just trying to, perhaps first and foremost, destigmatize mental health needs and resources,” Smith said. €œTimecards and schedules have where can i buy zithromax over the counter had no meaning for the past year,” says Smith, one of three full-time employees in his department. €œIt’s just been never-ending.” (Eli Imadali for KHN) Stigmas are something 26-year-old Jacob Walter and his family want to help tackle. As Walter was growing up, a friend’s father and another friend’s mother died by suicide. Before Walter left the family’s ranch in southeastern Colorado to start where can i buy zithromax over the counter his sophomore year in college, he lost his own father, Rusty, to suicide in 2016.

Walter said there were few local resources at the time to help people like his dad, and the nearest town was 45 minutes away. Rusty was involved in many community service organizations and gave a lot of his time to others, Walter said, but he suffered from depression. €œThe day before he committed suicide, we had been talking at the kitchen table, and he was just where can i buy zithromax over the counter talking about [his depression], and he said. €˜You know, you can always get help and stuff.’” That’s the message agricultural leaders like Ray Atkinson, communications director at the American Farm Bureau Federation, say should be conveyed most. It’s OK to acknowledge when you need help.

€œIf your tractor needed maintenance … you would stop what where can i buy zithromax over the counter you’re doing and you’d get it working right before you go try and go out in the field,” Atkinson said. €œYou are the most important piece of equipment on your farm.” Cattle eat hay on Rafter W Ranch near Simla, Colorado. Drought hasn’t allowed grazing on grassy pastures. (Eli Imadali for KHN) where can i buy zithromax over the counter [Editor’s note. If you or someone you know is in a crisis, please call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255), or contact the Crisis Text Line by texting TALK to 741741.

In Colorado, you can also contact Colorado Crisis Services at 1-844-493-TALK (8255) or text TALK to 38255.] Related Topics Contact Us Submit a Story Tip.

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New survey insights released to mark Digital Health Week 2020November 16, 2020 (Toronto) — Canadians and health care providers have met the where can i buy zithromax over the counter unprecedented challenge of the buy antibiotics zithromax head-on by embracing change in the way health care is delivered — from in-person http://kollman.com/order-antabuse/ to virtual. This week is Digital Health Week and where can i buy zithromax over the counter to mark the occasion Canada Health Infoway (Infoway) is sharing research conducted in partnership with Environics that digs into this substantial shift and what Canadians want for their digital health future. This latest research project, A Healthy Dialogue, is one of the largest public consultations about digital health ever conducted in Canada. The consultation reached more than 58,000 Canadians — including those underserved by the health system — who shared how they thought technology would impact their care experience.The where can i buy zithromax over the counter research reveals[i]:An overwhelming majority (92%) of Canadians want technology that makes health care as convenient as other aspects of their lives.More than half (53%) of Canadians who have used health technology in the past year say it helped them avoid an in-person visit to a provider or an emergency room.Of those Canadians who received virtual care during the zithromax, 91% were satisfied with the experience, 86% agreed that virtual care tools can be important alternatives to seeing doctors in-person, and more than three-quarters (76%) are willing to use virtual care after the zithromax.“We’ve gone from talking about ways to further integrate digital health into everyday health care to living it.

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A follow-up survey was conducted in June 2020 with about 2,200 of the original 6,900, to see if their views had shifted since the zithromax began.-30-Media Inquiries.